deed, as if the indifference of classical writers were perpetuated in our own days, though there is no struggle-not even the wars of Joshua or David-which is more profoundly interesting to the Christian student. For it is not only in their victory over external difficulties that the heroism of the Maccabees is conspicuous: their real success was as much imperiled by internal divisions as by foreign force. They had to contend on the one hand against open and subtle attempts to introduce Greek customs, and on the other against an extreme Pharisaic party, which is seen from time to time opposing their counsels." And it was from Judas and those whom he inspired that the old faith received its last development and final impress before the coming of our Lord.

For that view of the Maccabean war, which regards it only as a civil and not as a religious conflict, is essentially onesided. If there were no other evidence than the book of Daniel-whatever opinion be held as to the date of it-that alone would show how deeply the noblest hopes of the theocracy were centred in the success of the struggle. When the feelings of the nation were thus again turned with fresh power to their ancient faith, we might expect that there would be a new creative epoch in the national literature; or, if the form of Hebrew composition was already fixed by sacred types, a prophet or psalmist would express the thoughts of the new age after the models of old time.. Yet in part at least the leaders of Maccabean times felt that they were separated by a real chasm from the times of the kingdom or of the exile. If they looked for a prophet in the future, they acknowledged that the spirit of prophecy was not among them. The volume of the prophetic writings was completed, and, as far as appears, no one ventured to imitate its contents. But the Hagiographa, though they were already long fixed as a definite collection, were not equally far removed from imitation. The apocalyptic visions of Daniel served as a pattern for the visions incorporated in the book of Enoch; and it has been commonly supposed that the Psalter contains compositions of the Maccabean date. This supposition, which is at variance with the best evidence which can be obtained on the history of the Canon, can only be received upon the clearest internal proof; and it may well be questioned whether the hypothesis is not as much at variance with sound interpretation as with the history of the Canon."2

§ 12. The history of the Maccabees does not contain much

61 1 Macc. vii. 12-18. 62 See Old Testament History, Appendix to Book V.

65

which illustrates in detail the religious or social progress of the Jews. It is obvious that the period must not only have intensified old beliefs, but also have called out elements which were latent in them. One doctrine at least, that of a resurrection, and even of a material resurrection," was brought out into the most distinct apprehension by suffering. "It is good to look for the hope from God, to be raised up again by him," was the substance of the martyr's answer to his judge; 66 as for thee, thou shalt have no resurrection to life.” 6 66 Our brethren," says another, "have fallen, having endured a short pain leading to everlasting life, being under the covenant of God." And as it was believed that an interval elapsed between death and judgment, the dead were supposed to be in some measure still capable of profiting by the intercession of the living. Thus much is certainly expressed in the famous passage, 2 Macc. xii. 43-45, though the secondary notion of a purgatorial state is in no way implied in it. On the other hand it is not very clear how far the future judgment was supposed to extend. If the punishment of the wicked heathen in another life had formed a definite article of belief, it might have been expected to be put forward more prominently, though the passages in question may be understood of sufferings after death, and not only of earthly sufferings; but for the apostate Jews there was a certain judgment in reserve." The firm faith in the righteous providence of God shown in the chastening of his people, as contrasted with his neglect of other nations, is another proof of the widening view of the spiritual world, which is characteristic of the epoch. The lessons of the captivity were reduced to moral teaching; and in the same way the doctrine of the ministry of angels assumed an importance which is without parallel except in patriarchal times. It was perhaps from this cause also that the Messianic hope was limited in its range. vivid perception of spiritual truths hindered the spread of a hope which had been cherished in a material form; and a pause, as it were, was made, in which men gained new points of sight from which to contemplate the old promises.

66

68

The

The various glimpses of national life which can be gained during the period, show on the whole a steady adherence to the Mosaic law. Probably the law was never more rigor

63 2 Macc. xiv. 46.

* ἀνάστασις εἰς ζωήν, 2 Μacc. vii. 14; comp. vi. 26, xiv. 46.

65 2 Macc. vii. 36, πóvov άevvάov ζωῆς.

66 2 Macc. vii. 17, 19, 35, etc.
67 2 Macc. vi. 26.

68 2 Macc. iv. 16, 17, v. 17-20, vi. 12-16, etc.

69

70

73

ously fulfilled. The importance of the Antiochian persecution in fixing the Canon of the Old Testament deserves notice. The books of the law were specially sought out for destruction; " and their distinctive value was in consequence proportionately increased. To use the words of 1 Macc., "the holy books in our hands were felt to make all other comfort superfluous. The strict observance of the Sabbath" and of the Sabbatical year," the law of the Nazarites," and the exemptions from military service," the solemn prayer and fasting, carry us back to early times. The provision for the maimed, the aged, and the bereaved," was in the spirit of the law; and the new feast of the dedication was a homage to the old rites," while it was a proof of independent life. The interruption of the succession to the high-priesthood was the most important innovation which was made, and one which prepared the way for the dissolution of the state. After various arbitrary changes, the office was left vacant for seven years upon the death of Alcimus. The last descendant of Jozadak (Onias), in whose family it had been for nearly four centuries, fled to Egypt, and established a schismatic worship; and at last, when the support of the Jews became important, the Maccabæan leader, Jonathan, of the family of Joarib, was elected to the dignity by the nomination of the Syrian king," whose will was confirmed, as it appears, by the voice of the people."

Little can be said of the condition of literature and the arts which has not been already anticipated. In common intercourse the Jews used the Aramaic dialect which was established after the return: this was "their own language;"00 but it is evident from the narrative quoted that they understood Greek, which must have spread widely through the influence of Syrian officers. There is not, however, the slightest evidence that Greek was employed in Palestinian literature till a much later date. The description of the monument which was erected by Simon at Modin in memory of his family,"1 is the only record of the architecture of the time. The description is obscure, but in some features the structure appears to have presented a resemblance to the tombs of Porsena and

83

the Curiatii," and perhaps to one still found in Idumæa. An oblong basement, of which the two chief faces were built of polished white marble, supported "seven pyramids in a line ranged one against another," equal in number to the members of the Maccabean family, including Simon himself. To these he added other works of art (unxavýμara), placing round (on the two chief faces?) great columns (Josephus adds, each of a single block), bearing "trophies of arms, and sculptured ships, which might be visible from the sea below." The language of 1 Macc. and Josephus implies that these columns were placed upon the basement, otherwise it might be supposed that the columns rose only to the height of the basement supporting the trophies on the same level as the pyramids. So much at least is evident, that the characteristics of this work-and probably of later Jewish architecture generally— bore closer affinity to the styles of Asia Minor and Greece than of Egypt or the East; a result which would follow equally from the Syrian dominion and the commerce which Simon opened by the Mediterranean.8

86

85

The only recognized relics of the time are the coins which bear the name of "Simon," or "Simon Prince (Nasi) of Israel," in Samaritan letters. The privilege of a national coinage was granted to Simon by Antiochus VII. Sidetes; and numerous examples occur which have the dates of the first, second, third, and fourth years of the liberation of Jerusalem (Israel, Zion); and it is a remarkable confirmation of their genuineness, that in the first year the name Zion does not occur, as the citadel was not recovered till the second year of Simon's supremacy, while after the second year Zion alone is found. The privilege was first definitely accorded in B.C. 140, while the first year of Simon was B.c. 143; 87 but this discrepancy causes little difficulty, as it is not unlikely that the concession of Antiochus was made in favor of a practice already existing. No date is given later than the fourth year, but coins of Simon occur without a date, which may belong to the last four years of his life. The emblems which the coins bear have generally a connection with Jewish history—a vine-leaf, a cluster of grapes, a vase (of manna ?), a trifid flowering rod, a palm-branch surrounded by a wreath of laurel, a lyre,** a bundle of branches symbolic of the feast of tabernacles. The coins issued in the last war of independence by Barcochba

88

repeat many of these emblems, and there is considerable difficulty in distinguishing the two series. The authenticity of all the Maccabæan coins was impugned by Tychsen," but on insufficient grounds. He was answered by Bayer, whose admirable essays " give the most complete account of the coins, though he reckons some apparently later types as Maccabæan. Eckhel" has given a good account of the controversy, and an accurate description of the chief types of the coins."2

90

The authorities for the Maccabæan history have been given already. Of modern works, that of Ewald is by far the best. Herzfeld has collected a mass of details, chiefly from late sources, which are interesting and sometimes valuable; but the student of the period can not but feel how difficult it is to realize it as a whole. Indeed, it seems that the instinct was true which named it from one chief hero. In this last stage of the history of Israel, as in the first, all life came from the leader; and it is the greatest glory of the Maccabees that, while they found at first all turn upon their personal fortunes, they left a nation strong enough to preserve an independent faith till the typical kingdom gave place to a universal Church."

93

89 Die Unächtheit d. Jud. Münzen | 92 Respecting the value of these bewiesen O. G. Tychsen, coins, see the TABLES appended to the Old Testament History.

1779.

90 De Nummis Hebr. Samaritanis, Val. Ed. 1781; Vindicia.. 1790. 91 Doctr. Numm. vol. iii. p. 455, ff.

93 On the "Books of the Maccabees," see Appendix to Book I., THE APOCRYPHA.