of abfurdity, or the fophiftries of intereft. It is 'difficult to prove the principles of science, because notions cannot always be found more intelligible < than those which are queftioned. It is difficult to prove the principles of practice, because they have, for the most part, not been discovered by investigation, but obtruded by experience; and the de'monftrator will find, after an operofe deduction, that he has been trying to make that feen, which can ' be only felt. Of this kind is the position that the Supreme power of every community has the right of requiring from all its fubjects fuch contributions as are neceffary to the public fafety or public profperity, which was confidered by all mankind as comprifing the primary and effential condition of all political fociety, till it became difputed by those zealots of anarchy, ⚫ who have denied to the parliament of Britain the ' right of taxing the American colonies.' With much wit does he ridicule, and with force of reasoning refute, the arguments founded on the inability of the Americans to bear taxation, their powers of refiftance, the stubbornness of their tempers, and the profits accruing to this country by its commerce with them: these, he tells us, are used only as auxiliaries to that other, which, as he briefly states it, is that to ' tax the colonies is ufurpation and oppreffion, an in' vasion of natural and legal rights, and a violation of those principles which fupport the constitution of the English government. He next confiders the legal confequences of migration from a mother-country, and afterwards proceeds to an examination of that fallacious pofition, that from an an Englishman nothing can be taken but by his own confent, and of the argument grounded thereon, that the Americans, being unreprefented in parliament, cannot be faid to have confented in their corporate capacity, and that, refufing their confent as individuals, they cannot legally be taxed. Of this he fays, that it is a pofition of a mighty ⚫ found, but that every man that utters it, with what' ever confidence, and every man that hears it, with whatever acquiefcence, if confent be fuppofed to imply the power of refusal, feels to be false, for that, ⚫ in wide extended dominions, the business of the pub lic must be done by delegation, and the choice of ⚫ delegates is by a select number of electors, who are ⚫ often far from unanimity in their choice; and where 'the numbers approach to equality, almost half must be governed, not only without, but against their choice. Of thofe, who are not electors, he fays :they stand idle and helpless spectators of the common'weal, wholly unconcerned in the government of themfelves.' The refolution of the Congrefs, that their ancestors, who first settled the colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother-country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural-born fubjects within the realm of England, he admits; but granting it, he contends, that their boast of original rights is at an end, and that, by their emigration, they funk down into colonifts, governed by a charter; and that though, by fuch emigration, they had not forfeited, furrendered, or loft, any of those rights, they had loft them by natural effects, that is to fay, had abandoned them. A man,' fays he, can ⚫ be but in one place at once; he cannot have the ad9 vantages vantages of multiplied refidence. He that will enjoy the brightness of funshine, muft quit the coolness of the fhade. And though an emigrant, having a right to vote for a knight or burgefs, by croffing 'the Atlantic does not nullify that right, he renders 'the exertion of it no longer poffible.But the privileges of an American,' adds he, fcorn the limits of place; they are part of himself, and cannot be loft by departure from his country; they float in the air, or glide under the ocean.' He next confiders the legal operation of charters, and forgets not to note, that from the exemption of the first settlers in Maffachufet's bay from taxes for seven years, it must be inferred, that at the end thereof they were liable to taxation. It is not my purpose to give at length the several arguments contained in this most excellent pamphlet. I fhall, therefore, content myself with extracting from it a few paffages, which stand diftinguished from others, either by their wit, or the strength of reasoning difplayed in them. Of that clafs are thefe that follow : To be prejudiced is always to be weak; yet there are prejudices fo near to laudable, that they have' often been praifed, and are always pardoned. To love their country has been confidered as virtue in men whofe love could not be otherwife than blind, because their preference was made without compa• rison; but it has never been my fortune to find, either in ancient or modern writers, any honourable mention of thofe who have, with equal blindness, hated their country. • These anti-patriotic prejudices are the abortions ⚫ of folly, impregnated by faction, which, being pro⚫duced against the standing order of nature, have not ⚫ strength sufficient for long life. They are born only to scream and perish, and leave them to contempt or deteftation, whose kindness was employed to nurse them into mischief.' To the menaces of the heroes of Bofton, that they would leave their town and be free, rather than fubmit to the stamp-act, in which cafe he says, they would leave good houses to wifer men, he opposes this fober advice: Yet, before they quit the comforts of a warm ⚫ home for the founding fomething which they think better, he cannot be thought their enemy who ad• vises them to confider well whether they fhall find it. By turning fishermen or hunters, woodmen or fhepherds, they may become wild, but it is not fo easy to conceive them free; for who can be more a ⚫ flave than he that is driven by force from the comforts of life, is compelled to leave his house to a • cafual comer, and, whatever he does, or wherever he wanders, finds every moment fome. new tefti· mony of his own fubjection? If choice of evils be freedom, the felon in the gallies has his choice of labour or stripes. The Boftonian may quit his house to starve in the fields; his dog may refuse < to fet, and smart under the lash, and they may then congratulate each other on the fmiles of liberty, profufe of bliss, and pregnant with delight *. * Addison's letter from Italy. To To treat fuch defigns as ferious, would be to ⚫ think too contemptibly of Bostonian understandings. The artifice, indeed, is not new: the blufterer who ⚫ threatened in vain his opponent, has fometimes obtained his end, by making it believed he would hang himself.' In a more serious strain of reasoning, he thus argues : Our colonies, however diftant, have been hitherto < treated as constituent parts of the British empire. • The inhabitants, incorporated by English charters, are entitled to all the rights of Englishmen. They are governed by English laws, entitled to English dignities, regulated by English counfels, and protected by English arms; and it feems to follow by ⚫ confequence not eafily avoided, that they are fub< ject to English government, and chargeable by Eng⚫lifh taxation.' The above citations are evidences of Johnfon's skill in political controverfy, and are but flight fpecimens of that fpecies of oratory which delights the ear, and convinces the understanding. With respect to logical precision, and strength of argument, the tracts, from whence they are severally taken, defy all comparison; and, as they abound in wit, and discover nothing of that acrimony which difgraces former controverfies, the Disciplinarian and Bangorian not excepted, may be confidered as standing exemplars of polemical eloquence, and political ratiocination. The friends of fedition and rebellion were highly exafperated against Johnson for his interfering, by these publications, in the debate of political queftions: they were provoked to see fuch talents as his employed in exposing the malignity of faction, and detecting Kk 2 the |