direction of our naval operations, who, in the year 1765, fent out an expedition, the commander whereof took poffeffion of Falkland's inland in the name of his Britannic majefty, and placed a garrifon in a place of defence, to which he gave the appellation of Port Egmont. In this fettlement, we were foon after difturbed; for Madariaga, a Spanish commodore, with five frigates and a train of artillery, appearing before the island, obliged our people to capitulate, and obtained poffeffion. This event was no fooner known at our court, than hoftilities against Spain were refolved on, and a powerful fleet was affembled: these preparations brought on a conference between prince Mafferano, the Spanish ambassador here, and our minifter, and a fubfequent negociation at Madrid, between Mr. Harris our minifter there, and the marquis Grimaldi: the refult was, a difavowal on the part of Spain of the violent enterprise of Buccarelli, the governor of Buenos Ayres, who had fent the force that difpoffeffed the English, and a promise to restore the port and fort called Egmont, with all the artillery and ftores therein, but with a declaration, that this engage-, ment should not affect the queftion of the prior right of fovereignty of the Malouine, otherwise called Falkland's iflands*.

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The conference at London was with lord Rochford, then secretary of state for the fouthern department, who, in discourse with me, gave an account of it to this effect, viz. that he reprefented to the Spanish ambaffador, that the inflexibility of his court in this bufinefs had compelled us to arm, that our fleet was manned, and the officers and failors impatient for action; that the nation having incurred the expence of a naval equipment, would hardly be fatisfied without a trial of what it was able to

The acquiefcence of our court in these conceffions of that of Madrid, and the reference of a disputable queftion to the Greek calends, furnished the leaders of faction with a new topic for clamour, and war became the cry. The heavy burthen of debt, incurred by the last, was no reason against a new one, and millions were to be expended, and thousands murdered, for the titular fovereignty of an ifland, which Johnfon thus ftrongly and even poetically characterifes :

A bleak and gloomy folitude, an inland thrown afide from human ufe, ftormy in winter, and barren in fummer: an ifland which not the fouthern favages have dignified with habitation; where a garrifon must be kept in a ftate that contemplates with envy the exiles of Siberia; of which the expence will be perpetual, and the ufe only occafional, and which, if fortune fmile upon our labours, may become a 'neft of smugglers in peace, and in war the future refuge of buccaniers.'

These are his fentiments refpecting the incommodities of this contefted fettlement: against the advantages fuggefted by the relator of Anfon's expedition, whom he reprefents as having written under the influence of a heated imagination, he oppofes the following arguments, founded in true policy and found morality:

That fuch a fettlement may be of ufe in war, no ⚫ man that confiders its fituation will deny. But war is not the whole bufinefs of life; it happens but

effect; and that a refufal of conceffions on the part of Spain would inevitably bring on a war between the two powers, which, as it、 would be confined to the fea, muft prove a fhort one.

feldom,

⚫ feldom, and every man, either good or wife, wifhes that its frequency were still lefs. That conduct which betrays defigns of future hoftility, if it does not excite violence, will always generate malignity; it must for ever exclude confidence and friendship, and continue a cold and fluggish rivalry, by a fly reciprocation of indirect injuries, without the bravery of war, or the fecurity of peace.

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The advantage of fuch a fettlement in time of < peace is, I think, not eafily to be proved. For, what use can it have but of a ftation for contraband traders, a nursery of fraud, and a receptacle of theft? Narborough, about a century ago, was of opinion, that no advantages could be obtained in voy ages to the South fea, except by fuch an armament with a failor's morality, might trade by force. It ' is well known, that the prohibitions of commerce are, in these countries, to the laft degree, rigorous, and that no man, not authorized by the king of Spain, can trade there but by force or ftealth. Whatever profit is obtained, must be gained by the violence of rapine, or dexterity of fraud.

as,

'Government will not, perhaps, foon arrive at such purity and excellence, but that fome connivance at • least will be indulged to the triumphant robber and fuccefsful cheat. He that brings wealth home, is ⚫feldom interrogated by what means it was obtained. This, however, is one of thofe modes of corruption ⚫ with which mankind ought always to struggle, and which they may, in time, hope to overcome. There is reafon to expect, that as the world is more enlightened, policy and morality will at last be recon⚫ciled,

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ciled, and that nations will learn not to do what they would not suffer.

But the filent toleration of fufpected guilt is a degree of depravity far below that which openly incites and manifeftly protects it. To pardon a pirate may be injurious to mankind; but how much greater is the crime of opening a port in which all pirates will be fafe? The contraband trader is not more worthy of protection: if, with Narborough, he 'trades by force, he is a pirate; if he trades fecretly, he is only a thief. Those who honeftly refuse his traffic, he hates as obftructors of his profit; and thofe with whom he deals he cheats, because he knows that they dare not complain. He lives with a heart full of that malignity, which fear of detection always generates in those who are to defend unjust acquifitions against lawful authority; and when he comes home with riches thus acquired, he brings a • mind hardened in evil, too proud for reproof, and too ftupid for reflection; he offends the high by his infolence, and corrupts the low by his example.'

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To filence this clamour, to defeat the purposes of a wicked and malevolent faction, to allay the thirst for human blood, and to bring the deluded people to a fense of their true intereft, was the aim of Johnson in writing this moft judicious pamphlet: he fucceeded in his endeavour, the miseries of war were averted, the contractors difappointed, and a few months restored the populace to the ufe of their understandings.

In a review of the feveral particulars herein before related, it will appear, that Johnfon's course of life

was

was very uniform. London was a place of refidence which he preferred to all others, as affording more intelligence, and better opportunities of converfation than were elsewhere to be found, and he was but little delighted either with rural scenes or manners. Novelty, and variety of occupations, it is true, were objects that engaged his attention, and from these he never failed to extract information. Though born and bred in a city, he well understood both the theory and practice of agriculture, and even the management of a farm: he could defcribe, with great accuracy, the procefs of malting; and, had neceffity driven him to it, could have thatched a dwelling. Of field recreations, fuch as hunting, fetting, and fhooting, he would difcourse like a sportsman, though his personal defects rendered him, in a great measure, incapable of deriving pleasure from any fuch exercises.

But he had taken a very comprehensive view of human life and manners, and, that he was well acquainted with the views and pursuits of all claffes and characters of men, his writings abundantly fhew. This kind of knowledge he was ever defirous of increafing, even as he advanced in years: to gratify it, he was acceffible to all comers, and yielded to the invitations of fuch of his friends as had refidences in the country, to vary his courfe of living, and pass the pleafanter months of the year in the fhades of obfcurity.

In thefe vifits, where there were children in the family, he took great delight in examining them as to their progrefs in learning, or, to make ufe of a