very moment's unnecessary delay, between; the discovery of an imperious duty, and the, setting earnestly about its accomplishment, was dangerous, if not fatal, to success. He knew, that strong excitement was necessary to strong effort-that intense feeling was necessary to stimulate intense exertionthat as strong excitement, and intense feeling, are generally transient, in proportion to their strength and intensity, the most effectual way of crushing a great and virtuous enterprize, was to gain time, to defer it to "a more convenient season," when the zeal and ardour of the first convictions of duty had subsided;-when our sympathies had become languid;-when considerations of the difficulties and hazards of the enterprise, the solicitations of ease and indulgence, should have chilled the warm glow of humanity, quenched the fervid heroism of virtue; when familiarity with relations of violence and outrage, crimes and miseries, should have abated the horror of their first impression, and, at length, induced indifference.-P. 9, 10.

Should the numerous petitions to Parliament be ultimately successful, should the prayer for gradual emancipation be granted; still, how vague and indefinite would be the benefit resulting from such success. Should some specific time be appointed by government, for the final extinction of colonial slavery, that period, we have been informed from high authority, will not be an early one. And who can calculate the tears and groans, the anguish and despair, the tortures and outrages which may be added, during the term of that protracted interval, to the enormous mass of injuries

already sustained by the victims of West

Indian bondage? Who can calculate the aggravated accumulation of guilt which may be incurred by its active agents, its interested abettors, and supporters? Why then, in the name of humanity, of common sense, and common honesty, do we petition Parliament, year after year, for a gradual abolition of this horrid system, this complication of crime and misery? Why petition Parliament at all, to do that for us, which, were they ever so well disposed, we can do more speedily and more effectually for ourselves?-P. 12.

The interests and the prejudices of the West Indian planters have occupied much too prominent a place in the discussion of this great question. The abolitionists have shown a great deal too much politeness and accommodation towards these gentlemen. With reference to them, the question is said to be a very delicate one. (Was ever the word delicacy so preposterously misap plied?) It is said to be beset with difficulties and dangers. Yes, the parties inte rested, criminally interested, protest, that the difficulties are insurmountable, the

dangers tremendous. But those difficulties and dangers have been proved to be visionary and futile, the offspring of idle, or of hypocritical fears. A little temporary pecuniary loss would be the mighty amount of all the calamities which emancipation would entail upon its virulent and infuriated opposers. And is that a consideration to stand in competition with the liberation of eight hundred thousand of our fellow creatures from the heavy yoke of slavery? Must hundreds of thousands of human beings continue to be disinherited of those inherent rights of humanity, without which life becomes a curse, instead of a blessing; must they continue to be roused and stimulated to uncompensated labour, night as well as day, during a great part of the year, by the impulse of the cart whip, that a few noble lords and honourable gen tlemen may experience no privation of expensive luxury, no contraction of profuse expenditure, no curtailment of state and equipage? Must the scale in which is placed the just claims, the sacred rights of eight hundred thousand British subjects, be made to kick the beam, when weighed in the balance against pretensions so comparatively light and frivolous ?-P. 14, 15.

The dangers indeed resulting from immediate emancipation, if that emancipation is conducted with common prudence, are shown to be highly, if not altogether, imaginary. The West Indians continually refer on this subject to the case of St. Domingo; and we, therefore, insert the following pas

sage:

The history of emancipation in St. Domingo, and of the conduct of the emanci pated slaves for thirty years subsequent to that event (as detailed in Clarkson's admirable pamphlet on the necessity of improving the condition of our West Indian slaves), is a complete refutation of all the elaborate arguments which have been artfully advanced to discredit the design of immediate emancipation. No instance has been recorded in these important annals of the emancipated slaves (not the gradually, but the immediately emancipated slaves) having abused their freedom. On the contrary, it is frequently asserted in the course of the narrative, that the negroes continued to work upon all the plantations as quietly as before emancipation. Through the whole of Clarkson's diligent and candid investigations of the conduct of emanci pated slaves, comprising a body of more than 500,000 persons, under a great variety of circumstances, a considerable proportion of whom had been suddenly emancipated, th all the vicious habits of slå

very upon them; many of them accustomed to the use of arms; he has not, throughout this vast mass of emancipated slaves, found a single instance of bad behaviour, not even a refusal to work, or of disobedience to orders; much less has he heard of frightful massacres, or of revenge for past injuries, even when they had it amply in their power. Well might this benevolent and indefatigable abolitionist arrive at the conclusion," that emancipation (why did he not say immediate emancipation?) was not only practicable, but practicable without danger." All the frightful massacres and conflagrations which took place in St.

Domingo in 1791 and 1792, occurred during the days of slavery. They originated too, not with the slaves, but with the white and coloured planters, between the royalists and the revolutionists, who, for purposes of mutual vengeance, called in the aid of the slaves. Colonel Malenfant, in his history. of the emancipation, written during his residence in St. Domingo, ridicules the notion that the negroes would not work without compulsion, and asserts, that in one plantation, more immediately under his own observation, on which more than four hundred negroes were employed, not one in the number refused to work after their emanci pation.

Our limits, however, will not allow us to enlarge upon this subject as we could desire. We have little doubt, that our readers are, generally speaking, convinced of the duty of doing all in their power to hasten the emancipation of the slaves as much as possible; and we, therefore, feel it important to point out some means by which even poor and humble individuals may conduce to so desired an end.

We conceive this may be done: First, by endeavouring in conversation, or in any other way, to point out to persons who are ignorant on the subject, the evils of slavery itself, and the losses and taxes which every Englishman is called upon to bear, simply in order to support this hateful system.

Of the evils of slavery, the cruelty inflicted on the negroes, the injustice and persecution which those who seek their benefit are called upon to sustain, and especially the scandalous injustice evinced towards the late Rev. Mr. Smith, our pages contain much

melancholy information; yet few of our readers are aware how much they themselves are paying, directly or indirectly, voluntarily or forcibly, to perpetuate this system.

Why is sugar now sold at 6d. 8d. or 10d. per lb. when sugar of the same quality might be purchased by the people of this country at 3d. 4d. or 5d. per lb.? simply because all the sugar grown in the East Indies by freemen is subjected to an extraordinary impost, in order to encourage West India sugar; and because, for the same reason, all the sugar grown by our own subjects in Africa is placed under prohibitory duties, while the sugar produced, or which may be produced in above half the world is absolutely and entirely excluded from our markets, in order simply to encourage the OWNERS

SLAVES.

of

The people of Great Britain are now paying in bounties to keep up the prices of sugar, and in establishments and armies to keep the slaves in subjection, about TWO MILLIONS per annum. Two millions sterling, or very nearly haif the amount of the assessed taxes, are now paid to uphold a system of cruelty and injustice- of slavery and barbarity..

Again. Why are the people of the south of Ireland in their present destitute and degraded condition? Simply for want of employment. The Irishman, and every other man, shrinks from poverty and nakedness: the large mass of any community will always prefer labour to starvation. But the Irishman has nothing to do. Let the present impolitic restrictions on East Indian and African sugars be removed; and those cotton manufactures, which have afforded employment to the dense population of Lancashire, will soon extend and spread happiness and comfort through the most distressed, and, consequently, the most disturbed, regions of the sister country.

For what is the real state of the case? a Hindoo or an African negro is desirous of clothing himself and his family in our cottons, or our blue cloths, &c.; but he has nothing to give. He says, give me so much calico, or so many yards of blue cloth, and I will give you so many pounds of sugar. But the English supercargo says, No: I cannot take your sugar to England, it must not be sold there. England has abolished the slave trade, but she will not encourage the free men; you may obtain calicos, and blue cloths, and so on, by selling your sons and your daughters to the French and Spanish slave ships; but we are engaged to support the enslavers of your countrymen.

We feel in danger of being carried on this subject beyond all reasonable bounds. But we are Britons as well as Christians, and as Britons we protest against the continuance of these absurd and unjust restrictions. We are ready to pay any taxes which our country may require; but we protest against being taxed, either directly or indirectly, to support a system cruel, unjust, and detestable as that now existing in our West Indies. Let West Indian proprietors have full and fair compensation for any real loss which they may sustain; but let them not think of applying to this country to refund the loss occasioned by rash speculation, by negligent management, by improvident expense.

But, secondly, our readers may do much by respectfully petitioning the Legislature to remove the present heavy duties on East Indian and African sugars, expressing in decided language their conviction of the evils and abominations of West Indian slavery; and declaring their readiness cheerfully to bear their portion of any expense which the Legislature may think necessary to incur, either to prevent any supposed danger from DEC. 1824.

immediate emancipation, or. compensate those proprietors whose property may be injured thereby.

We are not fond of the general system of petitioning; but it is a measure which Britons are entitled to use, which Christians are called upon to adopt, in order to guard against moral evils and national crimes. We would never petition against taxes as such; Government must be supported, and ought to be cheerfully supported; and if the taxes are equally laid, it matters little, in our judgment, whether they are paid for property, or windows, or malt, or leather; and we are quite satisfied that many petitions on these subjects have recommended, and in some instances almost compelled, the Legislature to relieve the rich at the expense of the poor. But when great moral questions are brought forwardthe progress of Christianity-the extension of education-religious liberty-the prevention of war, cruelty, injustice, then, we say, it is a Christian's duty to speak; and if Christians will learn to confine their applications to the Legislature to such subjects, they will, by their silence on the one hand, and their sound reasoning on the other, ensure respectful attention.

A third means-and one which all can adopt, and which will, if adopted with any tolerable spirit of perseverance and self-denial, prove completely effectual-is a conscientious abstinence from West India sugars. Many persons, thirty years ago, adopted this plan; but when the great question of abolishing the slave trade was carried, they relinquished their exertions. It has been calculated, that if one tenth part of the population would rigidly confine themselves to East Indian sugar, the immediate emancipation of the slaves must follow.

And is not this, at least, an experiment worth the trying? We are not called upon to relinquish

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