ations were not swelling like a heavy sea. Waves of money have not succeeded in putting living conditions on a delightful basis here. Yet we have not begun to spend for today's needs and how about tomorrow?

We need highways, bridges, all sorts of improved transportation. Our streets and alleys are dirty, our streets are bumpy, many need more lighting. We suffer from several brands of pollution, many civic services are deficient. The curbing in front of my residence has been broken for nearly two years. Perhaps it will go unmended for more years gouging my tires and hurting passengers getting out of their cars. We seem to need satellite city halls, according to some empire builders, but who provides the working services. Trash collections are inadequate and I need plenty of convincing that Home Rule will help that situation.

METROPOLITAN GOVERNMENT

Personally, and this is based on years of experience, I feel that this discussion is decades late. Home Rule for the District is a horse and buggy idea. What truly is needed is a Metropolitan Government, set up somewhat along the lines of the Council of Governments, one that covers the counties where, in reality, most of the region's population lives and works. Few of our total activities are confined to the District. Our large chain stores would die of starvation if their sales were limited to our 64 square miles. We cross county and District lines constantly. Our subway is metropolitan; it was set up by two States and the District. Our pollution control is multi-governmental, our water and sewer systems are area wide: our buses are area wide, our highways are interstate, so are our bridges. Most of them. If new legislation is to be created for the District let us think not only of yesterday but of the millions who make the capital area viable. Let us recognize tomorrow is coming. The old concepts of States and counties were based on horses: Today's governments must be based on horsepower. Criminals know that, so do the communications media, students and others.

Can D.C. people alone support the Kennedy Center? Can Northern Virginia fill Wolf Trap Farm or Maryland the Merriweather Post Center? If we build a Convention Center will only Washingtonians attend its attractions? Of course not. Neither should our form of government ride on a bicycle built for two. If the Congress is able to pass legislation setting up the subway compact, it can just as persuasively legislate for the greater area as for the smaller. At least we should include the Pentagon, the Census Bureau, Beltsville, Gaithersburg, as part of the District of Administrative purposes. They are so much part of the Federal establishment.

However, I know that most of the Federation's membership prefers an area devoted exclusively to the Congress, executive and judicial branches of our national government. We want one that is responsive primarily to the Nation, not to local politicians who only recently arrived on the scene and want to snatch it for themselves, from the star players the District taxpayers, who with the Congress have produced this gorgeous District now so woefully maintained by a haphazard style of management.

I thank you.

Mr. MCMILLAN. Thank you, Mr. Crone.

I would like to ask you the same question I asked the Delegate from the District of Columbia. You have had an opportunity to attend a lot of the Citizens Associations in the District of Columbia.

What is your feeling about people in the District? Do you feel that the people in the District of Columbia-the majority of them-want home rule?

Mr. CRONE. The majority of certain types. It may be a majority of those who now vote, but I'm sure that the majority of citizens are not necessarily for it. And if it was put down to them, I doubt whether you could get let's see. We have 740,000 people. I doubt that you could get 350,000 people out to vote for it.

Mr. MCMILLAN. Of course, my interest here is in support or protection of the Federal Government because we have set up a Commissioner and a City Council up town to handle the District rules and business. We are supposed to handle the Federal business and make laws for the District of Columbia, but we do not have anything to do with the administration of these laws. So we have our own City Council that handles the District affairs, but I think, whenever we could, we'd like to know not only from the people throughout the country, but we would like to know how the people here in the District feel on this subject.

I know how the people that I have received letters from throughout the country feel about this problem with the exception of one or two organizations such as Common Cause and a few of them of that type— they want to change the entire government, anyway. Thank you. Mr. BROYHILL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

CITIZENS ORGANIZATIONS

Mr. Crone, the Federation of Citizens Associations, you say, represents thirty civic associations?

Mr. CRONE. Yes, sir. About that. Maybe twenty-eight, twenty-nine. I don't know exactly the number right now.

Mr. BROYHILL. Roughly, what would the total membership of those associations be?

Mr. CRONE. Well, the total membership may be reflected in the fact that we are now processing a new assoication which has 4,000 members. Now, of course, membership changes rapidly because people always come and go in the District, and to say we have so many people down to 401 or something like that would be useless.

Mr. BROYHILL. Now, Mr. Crone, there's another civic federation here in the District of Columbia, is there not?

Mr. CRONE. Yes, sir.

Mr. BROYHILL. What's the name of that?

Mr. CRONE. It's the Federation of Civic Associations of the District of Columbia.

Mr. BROYHILL. Federation of Civic Associations. And yours is the Federation of Citizens Associations?

Mr. CRONE. Yes, sir. Ours is the older organization by about twelve years.

Mr. BROYHILL. You are the older association?

Mr. CRONE. Older federation.

Mr. BROYHILL. Why are there two civic federations in the District of Columbia?

Do you know?

Mr. CRONE. No, I don't think I would be prepared to answer that categorically, because it's like many other things. They developed. We have subgroups within our own Federation, and certain groups affiliate with each other to achieve certain purposes.

These things are not what you might call solid. They're like any political adhesions. They last until the objective is won or lost, and then they fall apart and come together again for some other reason.

Mr. FAUNTROY. Would the gentleman yield?

Mr. BROYHILL. Sure, I'd be glad to. Maybe you can answer the question.

Mr. FAUNTROY. I would like to enlighten the gentleman from Virginia on what is the proper answer to that question in my view.

The Federation of Citizens Associations historically over the years denied membership to American citizens who were black, and therefore, in response to that older association's public policy position, there was formed a Federation of Civic Associations to give black citizens in the District of Columbia who wished an opportunity to associate themselves together with other citizens to deal with community problems, an opportunity to work together.

I was very happy that that public policy boldly and frankly and forthrightly stated by the Citizens Association has apparently changed. As a matter of fact, when I saw the Federation of Citizens Association, I expected to see as its president a gentleman whose name escapes me at this time, but who for many years was an avid spokesman for the anti-black posture of the then Federation of Citizens Associations. Mr. BROYHILL. Of course, that's not unusual, as the gentleman knows. Mr. FAUNTROY. Yes, we have white citizens councils all across the South.

Mr. BROYHILL. Yes. But a lot of changes have been made in these practices and other solutions to these situations within the last twenty years. But the witness states that the Federation of Citizens Associations is integrated. I guess he means by that that its membership includes various races of people.

Is that what you mean by that?

Mr. CRONE. That's right. There's no qualification of that kind for membership.

Mr. BROYHILL. Now this Federation of Civic Associations is mostly black, is it not, Mr. Fauntroy?

Mr. FAUNTROY. Yes, it is historically, but it has never had a bar to persons on the basis of the color of their skin.

Mr. BROYHILL. And the Federation of Civic Associations has a view to the contrary, the opposite of that held by the Federation of Citizens Associations in former years?

Mr. FAUNTROY. It does, and you will find that position stated in their written testimony submitted for the record.

Mr. BROYHILL. Well, this does point out then that there are some groups of citizens and some groups of citizens associations in the District of Columbia who do not want home rule legislation, and that some groups of citizens and groups of citizens associations do want it.

So it's not unanimous, is it?

Mr. FAUNTROY. No, it's not unanimous, but I think proportion is demonstrated by the attendance of citizens at the hearings; and I am appalled that with such professed support from the people of the

city for the positions being stated here today that this room is not filled to overflowing.

Mr. Jacobs, don't try to fill the room, sir.

Mr. JACOBS. I'm just trying to make the room overflow.

Mr. FAUNTROY. I regret very much

Mr. BROYHILL. I commend the gentleman on his statement. I think it's an excellent statement.

Mr. CRONE. Thank you, sir, and may I remark a couple of things that despite our probable differences in some respect, we've always had the full cooperation with the Civic Associations in these matters where our interests were parallel.

And I also might say, one of the reasons why the crowd here today is small is that of the committees listed in this morning's paper, they failed to list this one as having hearings, and I think that was deliberate.

Thank you.

Mr. MCMILLAN. Mr. McKinney.

Mr. MCKINNEY. What would be your feeling on the response to a referendum to have the city now for home rule?

Mr. CRONE. I cannot hear you.

Mr. MCKINNEY. If there were a referendum held in the city today for home rule, what do you feel would be the outcome?

Mr. CRONE. Well, you have to realize there's one very peculiar situation in the District. A great many people of one persuasion vote elsewhere. They still have the ability to vote in their home states, so they wouldn't have the ability to vote in the District.

And the people who are so avid for voting in the District largely are those who haven't had voting rights before, and that is why they are so concerned with it. But they don't seem to realize that voting comes after citizenship, not before. You don't vote to do something for your own good. You vote after you establish good order in a community. I think that's the usual rule.

Mr. MCKINNEY. I'm interested, though, when we talk about good order in the fact that this is one of the only major cities in the United States and I'm glad to see now the world-where the crime rate is actually going down.

Mr. CRONE. It may go down, but it came from a base which doesn't make the current situation look very good. I will not believe anything about crime statistics until I and most people I know feel at perfect liberty to go anywhere we want day and night, without worrying whether we get home at night in one piece.

Mr. MCKINNEY. Well, I do feel at liberty to go anywhere I want at day or night, and I either do it by foot or by motorcycle in this community; and I haven't felt threatened since I've gotten here, any more than I would feel threatened by any city.

We do have a few people who like Wild Irish Rose, one of them on the corner of my street, which is illegal. Difficult at times, but they usually just want another quarter for another bottle.

One question interests me on the vote. A constituent wrote me about this, and I realize that this happens. It might solve one of your problems about people voting elsewhere. There are many states in the Union unknown to myself, that have passed special legislative acts

and what they have done is this has happened, I believe, in Florida and Maine and specific instances were pointed out where they have two classes of citizenship so-called. One, if you are a permanent resident—and I assume that rather quickly they're going to give Washingtonians a right to vote for some voting representations in Congress. If you're a permanent resident, you get the right to vote in all elections in that town-Federal, state, and local.

If you are a residential property owner, taxpayer, you get the right to vote in local only elections. In other words, School Board, county council, mayor, and so on.

How would you feel about a proposition like that for Washington? Mr. CRONE. I would call that discriminatory. It's a denial of rights. Mr. MCKINNEY. No, that citizen would have the right to go back to Connecticut or New York and vote for their Senators, Congressmen, and so on. But if they lived in this city, and paid taxes in this city on property in this city, they would have the right to vote for the common council and so on.

Mr. CRONE. Yes, but I think everybody who has a right to vote should exercise the full right to vote. It's no right to vote if you have a partial one.

Mr. MCKINNEY. Well, you couldn't vote for Congressmen in the two states.

Mr. CRONE. Sir?

Mr. MCKINNEY. You wouldn't want to be able to vote for Congressmen in two states.

Mr. CRONE. You mean they would have full privileges in both states?

Oh no. You have to make up your mind which one you're to be represented by.

Mr. MCKINNEY. Well, there aren't very many states where you could have local voting rights even though you are a resident and a voter in another place.

Mr. CRONE. Well, I'm not too familiar with that aspect of the situation.

Mr. MCKINNEY. Not in my state, but in Maine and Florida. Those are two examples.

Thank you very much.

Mr. CRONE. Yes, sir.

Mr. MCMILLAN. Mr. Cabell.

Mr. CABELL. No questions.

Mr. JACOBS. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask the witness, you say that this morning's paper did not list this hearing today?

Mr. CRONE. Yes, sir.

Mr. JACOBS. And you're sure of that?

Mr. CRONE. Well, I looked it over twice, and I didn't see it. It must have been smaller than the rest of the print.

Mr. JACOBS. I hold in my hand a copy of the morning paper-that's the Washington Post that comes out in the morning, isn't it? The Star comes out in the afternoon.

Mr. CRONE. Yes.

Mr. JACOBS. I see here on page A-4 of the Washington Post the day's activities in Congress. It says here, "House meets at noon on