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history of the world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement in all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears any resemblance to it. At the first epoch, our population did not exceed three millions. By the last census it amounted to about ten millions; and what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native, for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknowledged limits, was uninhabited and a wilderness. Since then, new territory has been acquired, of vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the Mississippi, the navigation of which, to the ocean, was of the highest importance to the original states.

"Over this territory our population has expanded in every direction, and new states have been established, almost equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our union. This expansion of our population, and accession of new states to our union, have had the happiest effect on all its higher interests. That it has eminently augmented our resources, and added to our strength and respectability as a power, is admitted by all. But it is not in these important circumstances only that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest that, by enlarging the basis of our system, and increasing the number of states, the svstem itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other; and, in consequence, each enjoying a greater freedom of action, is rendered more efficient for all the pur· poses for which it was instituted."

The sympathy expressed by the president for the sufferings of the Greeks, called forth a resolution from Mr. Webster, providing for the expenses of an agent to Greece, whenever the executive should deem the appointment proper and expedient. In offering the resolution, Mr. Webster stated, it was far from being his wish, in any manner, to commit the house, in this or any of the political contests of Europe; but the President of the United States having, in his message to congress, not

only expressed a belief that the Greek nation, in its present struggle with its opposers, had the good wishes of the whole civilized world, but also advanced the opinion that the Turkish dominion over that country was lost forever; he thought that if such were the fact, it was im-, portant that congress should act upon the subject.

The main object in view was to obtain from the house an expression, responsive to the sentiment of the message, in reference to the sacrifices and sufferings of that heroic people-sacrifices and sufferings, which ought to excite the sympathy of every liberal minded man in Europe, as well as in this country. But whatever might be the case with other nations, we certainly ought not to be restrained from expressing, with freedom, what are our views in relation to the Greek cause, so far as may be done without committing ourselves in the contest. And he really did hope that we should show to the world, that there is, at least, one government which does entertain a proper view of that barbarous despotism, which, under the eyes of Europe, has been permitted, by a system of the foulest atrocity, to attempt to crush an interesting Christian

nation.

In most of our large towns and literary institutions, meetings were held in reference to this subject, and resolutions adopted, expressive of sentiments alike honourable to our citizens as members of a free community, and as friends of humanity. They spoke a language worthy of the cause which called them forth, and such as the circumstances of the age require. They are a proof, too, of the existence and the energy of that principle in the American people, which removes them farther from the supporters of legitimacy than the breadth of the Atlantic, and is a safer bulwark than its billows..

From that time to the present, large contributions have been made in the United States, and forwarded to the proper authorities of that oppressed and ill-fated country. At present, the armies of Russia threaten the capital of Turkey, and little doubt remains of the emancipation of the Greeks.

The session of congress closed in May, in 1824; the most important bills which passed, being one to abolish

imprisonment for debt, and the other establishing a tariff of duties on imports. The latter of these occupied the time of Congress during ten weeks, and at last passed by a majority of five only, two members being absent.

On the 16th of August, the Marquis La Fayette, accompanied by his son, and M. La Vasseur, his secretary, landed in New-York, where he was welcomed in a manner which evinced a sense of national gratitude, never surpassed.

From New-York, La Fayette passed through the country to Boston, constantly receiving the most enthu siastic congratulations of the people. Not only at every place where he stopped, but as he passed along the road, thousands came to catch a glimpse of him, and bid "Welcome La Fayette." Having visited most of the principal towns in Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, he again returned to New-York. During this tour, it is impossible to convey, in general terms, an adequate idea of the excitement into which the country was thrown. Committees were constantly arriving from distant towns at the places where he stopped, to solicit the honour of receiving him, and to know on what day, and at what hour, his arrival might be expected. In some instances, gentlemen residing at a distance from his route, directed the news of his approach to be sent them by expresses. Meantime the general was so obliging as to allow himself to be transported with the utmost rapidity from place to place, often travelling most of the night, so as not to disappoint the anxious expectations of the people. From New-York the general went to Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, &c. constantly receiving from the people the same cordial welcome, and witnessing the same demonstrations of joy wherever he

went.

But the feelings of the nation demanded that something more should be done for General La Fayette, than could be expressed by acclamation alone. His love of liberty had been the means of depriving him of a great proportion of his fortune. When, during our revolution, the country was so exhausted as to be unable to clothe or feed her little army, La Fayette not only gave all his pay

to government, but advanced money which never was refunded so that, in addition to the debt of gratitude, the nation owed him for advancements made during her ne cessities. It was the exercise of the same leading principle, (the love of liberty,) which occasioned the confiscation of his estates in France, when the Jacobin faction controlled the kingdom.

Under every consideration, the nation was bound to show La Fayette and the world, that in the prosperity of his adopted country, his former services were remembered with too much gratitude to be passed over without some permanent mark of national beneficence.

The president of the United States, therefore, in his message to congress, at the opening of the last session, recommended, in appropriate terms, the consideration of General La Fayette's eminent services to the country, and requested that the legislative body of the nation would devise some means of making him at least a partial remuneration. Agreeably to this recommendation, congress appointed a committee to deliberate on the subject, and on the 20th of December, "Mr. Hayne, from the committee appointed on so much of the president's message as relates to making provision for the services of General La Fayette, reported the following bill:

"Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representa tives of the United States, in Congress assembled, That the sum of two hundred thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby granted to Major General La Fayette, in compensation for his important services and expenditures during the American Revolution; and that for this purpose a stock to that amount be issued in his favour, dated the 4th of July, 1824, bearing an annual interest of six per cent. payable quarter yearly, and redeemable on the 31st of December, 1834.

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That one complete township of land be, and the same is, hereby granted to the said Major General La Fayette; and that the president of the United States be authorized to cause the said township to be located on any of the public lands which remain unsold; and that patents be issued to General La Fayette for the same."

On the 21st this bill was made the order of the day in the Senate, and the following debate on it, extracted from the journals of congress, will tend to show with how much reason the bill was passed :

Senate, Tuesday, December 21.

"The Senate proceeded, as in committee of the whole, to the consideration of the bill making provision for the services and expenditures of General La Fayette.

"Mr. Hayne, (of S. C.) in reply to Messrs. Macon and Brown, who objected to the bill, remarked, that the observations made by the honourable gentlemen rendered it his duty, though it was done with regret, as he had hoped the bill would pass without opposition, as chairman of the committee, to submit the principle on which the committee had proceeded in presenting the present bill. He trusted that he should be able to satisfy the scruples of the honourable gentlemen, and that there would be no necessity for recommitting the bill.

"With regard to the objections made by his friend on his right, (Mr. Macon,) they affected the making any compensation, under any circumstances whatever, to individuals, either for services rendered, or sacrifices made. He understood, he had said it was immaterial whether an individual should have spent his substance in the service of his country-should have put his hand in his purse, and paid the expenses of the war, still that for such services no compensation could be made.

"He could show that this was the fact-that it was precisely the case with regard to General La Fayette. He had expended his fortune in our service, and he should contend it was right, it was necessary-they were called on by duty to themselves, at least to refund the expenses to which he had been subjected. Mr. Hayne proceeded to say, that he held documents in his hand which it became his duty to submit to the senate-documents derived from the highest authority. The paper held in his hand contained accounts from the proper officers, showing the expenses of La Fayette, and pointing out the manner in which his estate had been dissipated in the service of liberty. In the year 1777, he had an annual in