1

2.1 TEXAS M

those who may commit treason against the state, according to the
provided by her own constitution and her own laws.
But all this power is local, and confined entirely within the li
Texas herself. She can possibly confer no authority which can

fully exercised beyond her own boundaries.
All this is plain, and hardly needs argument or elucidation. If
militia, therefore, march into any one of the other states, or into
ritory of the United States, there to execute or enforce any law of
they become at that moment trespassers; they are no longer u
protection of any lawful authority, and are to be regarded merely
ders; and if, within such state or territory, they obstruct any la
United States, either by power of arms or mere power of numb
stituting such a combination as is too powerful to be suppresse
civil authority, the president of the United States has no optic
him, but is bound to obey the solemn injunction of the constit
exercise the high powers vested in him by that instrument a
acts of Congress.

Or if any civil posse, armed or unarmed, enter into any territ United States, under the protection of the laws thereof, with seize individuals, to be carried elsewhere for trial for alleged off this posse be too powerful to be resisted by the local civil autho seizure or attempt to seize is to be prevented or resisted by th of the United States.

The grave and important question now arises, whether the territory of New Mexico any existing law of the United Sta tion to which, or the obstruction of which, would constitute a for the interposition of the authority vested in the president.

rest to su

wn the ma the Ro

a line between

the follow: #emtories pres

re within the ty, shall be

I try time to the sess in the sa reeds whereve , to any contr

The constitution of the United States declares that "this and the laws of the United States which shall be made i thereof, and all the treaties made, or which shall be made, u thority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of th therefore, New Mexico be a territory of the United State. treaty stipulation be in force therein, such treaty stipulation is law of the land, and is to be maintained and upheld accordin In the letter to the governor of Texas, my reasons are giv ing that New Mexico is now a territory of the United St. same extent and the same boundaries which belonged to i actual possession of the republic of Mexico, and before the the early part of that war, both California and New Mex quered by the arms of the United States, and were in the n sion of the United States at the date of the treaty of peac

By that treaty, the title by conquest was confirmed, an ries, provinces, or departments, separated from Mexico fo. the same treaty, certain important rights and securities guarantied to the inhabitants residing therein.

T

By the 5th article of the treaty, it is declared that— "The boundary line between the two republics shall co gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the m Grande, otherwise called the Rio Bravo del Norte, or op of its deepest branch, if it should have more than one directly into the sea; from thence, up the middle of tha the deepest channel where it has more than one, to the strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico; thence v

in the said izens or ac be under the de date of the remain 11

- naming decía and be cons. Jere

the laws, nor my duty, nor my oath of office, leaves me any alternative or any choice in my mode of action.

The executive government of the United States has no power or authority to determine what was the true line of boundary between Mexico and the United States before the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo; nor has it any such power now, since the question has become a question between the state of Texas and the United States. So far as this boundary is doubtful, that doubt can only be removed by some act of Congress, to which the assent of the state of Texas may be necessary, or by some appropriate mode of legal adjudication; but, in the meantime, if disturbances or collisions arise or should be threatened, it is absolutely incumbent on the executive government, however painful the duty, to take care that the laws be faithfully maintained; and he can regard only the actual state of things as it existed at the date of the treaty, and is bound to protect all inhabitants who were then established, and who now remain north and east of the line of demarcation, in the full enjoyment of their liberty and property according to the provisions of the 9th article of the treaty: in other words, all must be now regarded as New Mexico which was possessed and occupied as New Mexico by citizens of Mexico at the date of the treaty, until a definite line of boundary shall be established by competent authority.

This assertion of duty to protect the people of New Mexico from threatened violence, or from seizure to be carried into Texas for trial for alleged offences against Texan laws, does not at all include any claim of power on the part of the executive to establish any civil or military government within that territory. That power belongs exclusively to the legislative department, and Congress is the sole judge of the time and manner of creating or authorizing any such government.

The duty of the executive extends only to the execution of laws and the maintenance of treaties already in force, and the protection of all the people of the United States in the enjoyment of the rights which those treaties and laws guaranty.

It is exceedingly desirable that no occasion should arise for the exercise of the powers thus vested in the president by the constitution and the laws. With whatever mildness those powers might be executed, or however clear the case of necessity, yet consequences might nevertheless follow, of which no human sagacity can foresee either the evils or the end.

Having thus laid before Congress the communication of his excellency the governor of Texas, and the answer thereto, and having made such observations as I have thought the occasion called for, respecting constitutional obligations which may arise in the further progress of things, and may devolve on me to be performed, I hope I shall not be regarded as stepping aside from the line of my duty, notwithstanding that I am aware that the subject is now before both houses, if I express my deep and earnest conviction of the importance of an immediate decision or arrangement or settlement of the question of boundary between Texas and the territory of New Mexico. All considerations of justice, general expediency, and domestic tranquillity, call for this. It seems to be in its character, and by position, the first, or one of the first, of the questions growing out of the acquisition of California and New Mexico, and now requiring decision.

No government can be established for New Mexico, either state or ter

ritorial, until it shall be first ascertained what New Mexico is, and what are her limits and boundaries. These can not be fixed or known till the line of division between her and Texas shall be ascertained and established; and numerous and weighty reasons conspire, in my judgment, to show that this divisional line should be established by Congress, with the assent of the government of Texas. In the first place, this seems by far the most prompt mode of proceeding by which the end can be accomplished. If judicial proceedings were resorted to, such proceedings would necessarily be slow, and years would pass by, in all probability, before the controversy could be ended. So great a delay in this case is to be avoided, if possible. Such delay would be every way inconvenient, and might be the occasion of disturbances and collisions. For the same reason, I would, with the utmost deference to the wisdom of Congress, express a doubt of the expediency of the appointment of commissioners, and of an examination, estimate, and an award of indemnity to be made by them. This would be but a species of arbitration which might last as long as a suit at law.

So far as I am able to comprehend the case, the general facts are now all known, and Congress is as capable of deciding on it justly and properly now as it probably would be after the report of the commissioners. If the claim of title on the part of Texas appears to Congress to be well founded in whole or in part, it is in the competency of Congress to offer her an indemnity for the surrender of that claim. In a case like this, surrounded as it is by many cogent considerations, all calling for amicable adjustment and immediate settlement, the government of the United States would be justified, in my opinion, in allowing an indemnity to Texas, not unreasonable or extravagant, but fair, liberal, and awarded in a just spirit of accommodation.

I think no event would be hailed with more gratification by the people of the United States than the amicable adjustment of questions of difficulty which have now for a long time agitated the country, and occupied, to the exclusion of other subjects, the time and attention of Congress.

Having thus freely communicated the results of my own reflections on the most advisable mode of adjusting the boundary question, I shall nevertheless cheerfully acquiesce in any other mode which the wisdom of Congress may devise. And, in conclusion, I repeat my conviction that every consideration of the public interest manifests the necessity of a provision by Congress for the settlement of this boundary question before the present session be brought to a close. The settlement of other questions connected with the same subject, within the same period, is greatly to be desired; but the adjustment of this appears to me to be in the highest degree important. In the train of such an adjustment we may well hope that there will follow a return of harmony and good will, an increased attachment to the Union, and the general satisfaction of the country.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

AUGUST 8, 1850.

To the Senate and House of Representatives :

IT has been suggested that the language in the first paragraph of my message to the two houses of Congress, of the 6th instant, may convey the idea that Governor Bell's letter to my predecessor was received by him before his death. It was addressed to him, but appears, in point of fact, to have been sent to me from the postoffice after his death.

I make this communication to accompany the message and prevent misapprehension.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

SEPTEMBER 9 1850.

To the Senate of the United States :—

In compliance with the request of the Honorable Manue Alvarez, acting governor, &c., I have the honor to transmit to the senate herewith a copy of the constitution recently adopted by the inhabitants of New Mexico, together with a digest of the votes for and against it.

Congress having just passed a bill providing a territorial government for New Mexico, I do not deem it advisable to submit any recommendation on the subject of a state government.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

SEPTEMBER 23, 1850.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

HAVING been informed that it is the wish of the family and relatives of the late lamented president of the United States that his remains should be removed to the state of Kentucky, and being desirous of manifesting the most sincere and profound respect for the character of the deceased, in which I doubt not Congress will fully concur, I have felt it to be my duty to make known to you the wishes of the family, that you might, previous to your adjournment, adopt such proceedings and take such order on the subject as in your wisdom may seem meet and proper on the occasion.