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done. The wheel revolves, and yet it amount of alloy to enable it to be seems to make no progress. He, of all worked up and to pass current in the men, works most for great results, and world. And professional work of any of all men he is least privileged to be- kind, while it strengthens character, hold them; for of him the saying is undoubtedly debases it-to the standard most true, that “one soweth and another of the world's currency. reapeth.” It was strong common sense for the tendency of active professional which said of this profession, “I would life, especially under an advanced civilirather have chancery suits upon my zation, is to make men one-sided, to hands than the care of souls; for I do destroy in them the “ totus teres atque not envy a clergyman's life as an easy rotundus" of the poet. A professional life, nor do I envy the clergyman who man has to cultivate one faculty at the makes it an easy one."
expense of others; and, like the blackOf course all professions and callings smith's right arm, that faculty necesmay be broadly placed under one of twosarily dwarfs the rest. Each man must heads : those which deal with persons, have his speciality. We do not leave and those which deal with things. But the whole field of disease to the phy. no strict line of demarcation can be sician. If he is to get on in life, he drawn between the two. They gradu must have selected one portion thereof ally pass into each other, from the pro for his special study. And even the fession of the clergyman, which is purely artist, if he has once painted grapes to liberal, having to do with man's spiritual our liking, must devote himself to the wants solely; through medicine, which delineation of grapes for the rest of his deals with man's health; law, his pro- days. Of course a man of sense will perty; arms, his safety; the arts and strive against this tendency to cultivate sciences, incidentally dealing with men one portion of his nature at the expense as men in elevating their tastes, and of another; will fight against, as well extending their knowledge, yet stillas for, his profession ; remembering that touching a lower grade as being pro- there is something better even than ductive employments; down to the success in life. Or, if his temptation businesses of the world, which deal lie in another, direction, if he be the with things, and are purely selfish in three-cornered peg thrust into the round their aims. But for all alike the best hole, he will work on manfully till the professional training is that which angularities of his position are rubbed enables a man to deal successfully with down. He may seem at first to be leit men ; for, whatever be his calling, it is behind in the race, and distanced by comwith his fellow-man that he will have petitors whom he knows he could beat most to do throughout his life. The with a fair start. But, if so, he may knowledge of chemistry, of botany, of console himself with the reflection that mineralogy,- this is I suppose essen- in many men the latent genius, like the tially necessary to the physician ; yet, spark in the flint, bas needed to be after all, in the exercise of his pro struck out of them by the sharp and fession it is with living men and women sudden blows of repeated failures. But, that he will have to do, much more through failure or success, let the prothan with plants, or minerals, or drugs. fessional man at any rate take with him And so in fact of every calling, and the advice of one of the most practical even of every trade. And from a men that ever lived : “ Sir," said Dr. worldly point of view those will ulti- Jobnson to the patient and receptive mately be most successful in their call- Boswell, “ get as much force of mind as ings whose characters have been most you can, and keep within your income, stiffened into self-reliance. Pure gold, and you won't go far wrong." we know, has to be mixed with a certain
THE BERKELEYS: A POLITICAL LESSON.1
MR. GRANTLEY BERKELEY'S “ Recollec- sumptive heir of the earldom, and he tions” contain much tittle-tattle and proclaims in these volumes his intengossip which will probably interest and tion, not only to assume the title if amuse many readers. It is fair to the he should survive his elder legitimate author to say that there are better parts brother, but also to reclaim property of the book, showing healthy tastes and which, under disputable arrangements right feelings. But justice requires it and with the same brother’s consent, was to be added that the book contains also enjoyed by the late Earl Fitzhardinge, the much that is worse than frivolous,— eldest of the illegitimate sons, and has bad taste and questionable morality. It passed from him to the second illegitimust offend every rightly-constituted mate brother, best known as Admiral mind to see a son of the house, under Berkeley, and created, since on his elder whatever circumstances or provocations, brother's death he became possessed of displaying to the public gaze its discords the Berkeley estates, Baron Fitzhardinge. and disgraces, and revelling in descrip The eldest son of the illegitimate tions of the faults and follies of his own family, who was long known as Colonel blood. The public, however, cannot be Berkeley, having, after his father's expected to look a gift-horse in the death in 1810, attempted and utterly mouth. They will read and discuss failed to establish his legitimacy before these volumes, and moralists may turn the House of Lords, and having afterthem to much account. In them may be wards lived a life, the notoriety of seen how one error has multiplied and which is perhaps his brother's best perpetuated mischief and misery among excuse for describing it, was in Sepdescendants,
tember, 1831, created Lord Segrave, on
the occasion of King William's coronaάπορων χρήμα δυστυχών δόμος και
tion, when Lord Grey was Prime Miniin them, too, may be read how happiness ster, and was, in August, 1841, promoted may be unknown in a castle, and how by Lord Melbourne to be Earl Fitzthe great lord of the vale of Berkeley, hardinge. Lord Segrave entered the with thirty thousand acres, and sixty House of Lords a few weeks before the thousand a year, to say nothing of other memorable debate and division when possessions, had Care for his constant the Lord Chancellor Brougham vainly companion, “lord of his house and begged on his bended knees the passing hospitality," a tyrant whom wealth of the Reform Bill, and an adverse could not shake off or accumulated titles majority of forty-one was the answer, charm away.
to be followed, however, within nine Our business with this book is to months by concession. The higher extract from it a political lesson.
honour of the Earldom of Fitzhardinge The author is the second son in wed- was given immediately after the general lock of the fifth Earl of Berkeley, who, election of 1841, which had been a before his marriage with the Countess, severe struggle between Lord Melin 1796, had had several children by her. bourne's Government and the party then The eldest legitimate son is still living, led by Sir. Robert Peel, ending in the and unmarried, and has forborne to victory of the latter. assume the title of Earl of Berkeley. There is a material inaccuracy in Mr. Mr. Grantley Berkeley is, therefore, pre- Grantley Berkeley's statement of the
"My Life and Recollections." by the Hon. circumstances under which the first Grantley F. Berkeley. Two vols. Hurst and peerage was given. Colonel Berkeley Blackett.
was made Lord Segrave before the
passing of the Reform Act, and not as would be inferred from the following passage, after the election of the first Reformed Parliament of 1832, when three Berkeleys entered the House of Commons for Gloucester, Cheltenham, and West Gloucestershire :
“ Colonel Berkeley having come to an age when the life of a strolling player and the exhibition of his fine figure in gorgeous attire upon the stage had no longer any attractions for him, by way of amusement, and, as he said, to astonish the Tories, resolved to work himself up to the creation of a peerage, his illegitimacy having been definitively settled. Towards the
ttainment of this obiect of ambition he had no assistance to look to from any of the powerful houses, he having no friends in the higher ranks of society. His hopes were based on the cupidity of the Whig Government, on their thirst for the maintenance of place and power at any cost, and on his possession of immense but usurped wealth. His wealth, the influence of his wide possessions, and the sway attendant on the castle towers as they looked over the fertile acres of the rich vale of Berkeley, that had maintained them for so many centuries, from the Severn to the Hills, in all their ancient feudalism, and the willingness of the Whig Government to barter rank for support in Parliament, formed a strong foundation for success. Unless, however, these means were skilfully brought to bear, and carried out in a popular way, so that the political support that was afforded seemed to come from the people, the Government would have been put in a difficulty as to the creation of rank, and the expenditure of money would go for nothing.
"It was therefore Colonel Berkeley's object to select one of his brothers to take the first step in political arrangement, who was popular in and around the castle, and well received by all the best residents.
“From the life Colonel Berkeley led, he was coldly regarded, not only in society generally, but by all the county families; therefore, in his new ambition of purchasing a barony through political support to the Liberal Government, it became necessary that he should indeed adopt an acceptable local leader. He therefore put me forward to propose my friend Hanbury Tracy (the late Lord Sudeley) for Tewkesbury, and the then Henry Moreton (the late Lord Ducie) for the county, prior to the passing of the Reform Bill. Tracy was rejected, but Moreton was accepted at my hands; I was not then aware that he did this, intending that I should take a decided lead. My two first public speeches were from the respective hustings I have named.
* It was in the year 1832 that a letter came to me at Harrold Hall from Colonel Berkeley, in which he asked me to come forward at the next dissolution of Parliament for the western division of Gloucestershire, the county having
been divided since the Reform Bill, for the passing of which measure, I had, as I said before, proposed Henry Moreton. To this proposal I had several objections. In the first place, it would break in on my home, its retirement, and my amusements; and, in the second, occasion me such an increased expenditure as would at once force me to discontinue my hounds. True, Berkeley Castle and Berkeley House in London could entertain me; but under Colonel Berkeley's domestic arrangements I could only go alone to the Castle, and, as the London house was my mother's, who was then living, I could not bring Mrs. Berkeley there with an establishment of my own; and of course I should have to saddle myself with the cost of a house, or apartments at some expensive hotel.
“I did not at first state these objections; I contented myself with a desire that Colonel Berkeley would apply to one of my brothers, not situated like myself, or who might not object to entering on public life.
« The answer to this from Colonel Berkeley was that, if I refused, I should upset all his arrangements, and his chance of a peerage, promised him under certain circumstances by the Liberal Government, for the western division of the county would accept at his hands only myself, but that, if I would come forward, success was perfectly certain. He also induced my mother to write to me, to implore that I would no longer refuse.
* Everybody Colonel Berkeley could move urged me to consent to the change ; at last, and on a guarantee being given me for the costs attendant on my election and public position, and for an annual allowance, while I had a seat in Parliament, for the lease of a house in London to which I could bring Mrs Berkeley, I consented, though with extreme reluctance, to come forward for the western division. He then sent me a list of persons for me to write to for their political interest and support ; and, in full reliance on his written promise as to what he would do to enable me to bear the cost of my public position, having taken the thing in hand, I entered into it heart and soul. I not only looked to the interests of my own seat, but did all in my power to serve the interests of my younger brother, Mr. Craven Berkeley, for a seat for Cheltenham, and to secure the city of Gloucester to Captain Berkeley, who had previously represented it.”
It has been already pointed out that Colonel Berkeley had been made a peer several months before the passing of the Reform Act. Mr. Grantley Berkeley says that, in a letter written to him in 1832, his brother referred to his chance of a peerage, promised him under certain circumstances by the Liberal Govern. ment. Mr. Grantley Berkeley, trusting
to memory, may have fallen into some tuencies of the benefits of patronage, confusion of words or dates ; but, as he and is even a serious embarrassment for has distinctly referred to a letter from his severe dealing with ten-pound housebrother, speaking of the promise of a holders who take ten-pound notes for peerage in return for election in their votes. Let it not be supposed fluence, he should vindicate the sub- that Lord Grey's and Lord Melbourne's stantial accuracy of this statement. It favours to Colonel Berkeley have no must also be borne in mind that he parallel in the acts of decorous Conwho inveighs against the cupidity and servative premiers. It would be imunscrupulousness of the Whigs, and possible for the warmest friend of Sir depicts Colonel Berkeley's unworthiness, Robert Peel's reputation to defend, otherwas for fifteen years a follower of the wise than by the customs of parliaWhig party in the House of Commons, mentary government and the expediency sitting there by his brother's favour and of giving honours where there is parliainfluence. Mr. Grantley Berkeley has mentary influence, his early selection of turned Queen's evidence, and must not the Marquis of Hertford for the Garter, expect more honour than generally waits —that historic prize which fashion renon such witnesses.
ders the prime object of ambition for the The elevation of Lord Segrave to the best and highest of our nobles, and which earldom of Fitzhardinge, in 1841, is even veteran statesmen deem an honour. thus described without chronological Lord Grey, in an elaborate work, of which error :
he has just produced a second edition, “Another general election was not far off, has maintained that what he does not and, before it took place, I found that Lord shrink from calling corruption is inseSegrave had made a bargain with the Whig parable from our system of parliamentary Government that, if he returned four of his
government. Can Lord Grey be right brothers to Parliament instead of three, all in support of what was termed the Liberal in this opinion of the necessity of corrupt opinions, they were to promote him again, influences? We hope and believe not. creating him earl. It was as much a matter “Parliamentary government,” says Lord of engagement or a case of barter as any Grey. "derives its whole force and mercantile transaction could be. Lord Segrave did return four of his brothers for the western
power of action from the exercise of an division of the county, the city of Bristol, the influence which is at least very much city of Gloucester, and the town of Chelten- akin to corruption.” And again the ham, and was immediately created Earl Fitzhardinge.”
noble author writes: “A tendency to
encourage corruption, and especially that Lord Segrave had received, in 1836, kind of corruption which consists in the from Lord Melbourne's Government, the misuse of patronage, must be regarded high and honourable appointment of as inherent in the system of parliaLord Lieutenant of Gloucestershire. mentary government." The late Mr.
There is no need of an overt bargain John Austin, in a very remarkable essay to make out that Earl Fitzhardinge's on the first edition of Lord Grey's book, heap of honours was the quid pro quo of gave the highest praise to the book in political influence. This is a recognised general, but declared his dissent from and defended part and parcel of our this particular opinion. Mr. Austin system of government. Peerages, and contended that Lord Grey had in this promotions in the peerage, garters and instance narrowed his view too much to thistles, appointments and dignities in what has been and what is in English Church and State for relatives and government, and, disregarding even the friends, are the recognised rewards of great improvement which has taken the greater units of our political system; place in the present century, thought and the prevalence of this principle of too little of what might be and what compensation among the aristocrats of will be. The great jurist had faith in politics makes it impossible with con- the diffusion of political knowledge and sistency to deprive electors in consti- the progress of political morality. “There is reason to hope," said Mr. Austin, “if pal agency in the liberal addition Lord the present constitution of Parliament Grey, by consent of William IV., made should not be changed for the worse, to the grades and number of the peerage that the improving political knowledge after the Reform Bill became law; some and political morality of the public will of these titles were notoriously compengradually reduce the corruption prac- sations for the sacrifice of disfranchised tised by the Government to a compara rotten boroughs.” The second statetively insignificant amount, partly by ment is even more remarkable,—“It is restraining the Government when in well known to his intimate friends that clined to abuse its powers, and partly the Secretaryship of the Treasury inflicted by supporting it when using them on him a heavy loss, as he preferred to honestly and wisely. Lord Grey him- keep promises he had made in 1831-2, self admits, in many passages of his which the party funds could not clear." essay, that a great amelioration has thus What were these promises ? Promises been brought about; and this admission of pecuniary compensation for disfranconflicts with the supposition that cor- chised rotten boroughs, or of pecuniary ruption is necessarily inherent in our aid for elections ? system of parliamentary government. But to return to Mr. Grantley BerkeThe Federal Republic of Switzerland ley: The promised annual allowance for presents an example of a parliamentary which he had stipulated when he engovernment, based on a very widelytered Parliament, in 1832, soon failed diffused suffrage and a very widely him ; and we have here another distinct diffused education, in which wise and reference to correspondence mentioning patriotic rulers are almost invariably promise or expectation of a peerage : chosen and toil for salaries too small to excite cupidity, which gives no tempta “When the second year of my public positions of rank or patronage for ambition, tion had come nearly to an end, I found that and in which the ingredient of corruption
the promised 2501. a year had not for this, the is an infinitesimal quantity
second year, been paid into my banker's ; so I
wrote to Lord Segrave to tell him that it was Some curious revelations were not due. From him I received a letter in reply, long since made, in the Times newspaper, unintelligible in some respects to me, saying, of incidents connected with the passing
"If faith in regard to money matters has not of the Reform Bill. The political Secre
been kept with you, I have no hesitation in
saying that it is the greatest breach of honesty tary of the Treasury at that time was
I ever knew. You distinctly declined to come Mr. Ellice, who lately died in the fulness forward into public life unless you had an of years, and whose death elicited from increase of income, and I shall write to my all quarters tributes of sympathy and
mother to tell her so.' On receiving this
strange letter, as I had never any communikindness. Mr. Ellice, as Lord Grey's chief
cation with my mother on the matter, I at counsellor and agent in the distribution once wrote to Lord Segrave, and told him so, of government patronave while the great adding that I came forward at his wish, and to battle of the Reform Bill was being
get him made a peer, and that I distinctly
stated my disinclination to public life, as well fought, filled, in a most trying time, a
as the terms that were absolutely necessary to post opening to the holder's view much enable me to meet the increased expenses, so human weakness, meanness, and base that I should hold him to the terms agreed ness, and yet he retained an amiable be
upon in his letter." lief in human goodness. On the occasion of Mr. Ellice's death, in the autumn of Lord Segrave, however, according to 1863, there appeared in the Times news- Mr. Grantley Berkeley, required the paper one of those able biographical mother to pay the allowance, and threatsketches which it is in the habit of ex- ened if she did not, to stop the amount temporising for the eminent deceased; out of an allowance he made to his and this biography contained two notice- uncle, her brother. The countess spa able statements. First, it was said, pealed to Grantley, who then again “Mr. Ellice had the credit of the princi- wrote to Lord Segrave :