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" pressing hard upon the limits of sub- dition to its fiscal burdens. If, on the sistence," who contrive to obtain the other hand, it can intervene, with a bare necessaries of life at the cost of probability of success, and without any unremitting labour. Now upon this such addition to its expenditure, there class, comprising as it probably does is no objection, on the score of a due the great majority of the “working regard for its own welfare, to intervenclasses," any very considerable increase tion; and the self-sacrifice which such of taxation falls with disastrous and an act involved would then be laudable. terrible effect. It is indubitable that Such, for instance, might be the case any measure by which the national where the nation against which the expenditure is largely increased makes, intervention was directed was greatly especially in this country, to many the inferior in military strength, or where, difference between bare subsistence and by obtaining the assistance of other destitution, to many more the difference nations, the intervening state could between tolerable comfort and bare sub- bring against it a great superiority of sistence. It is a fact from which there force. It must be borne in mind, too, is no escape. Either in the enhanced that the increase of expenditure objected price of the commodities which they to is such an increase as would seriously consume, or, if the additional taxation affect the indigent classes, and that, is so adjusted as to fall in the first although every addition to taxation instance upon the richer classes, in a must in some degree affect them, it is reduction of the wages of labour con- only by a very large and decided adsequent on the diminution of the fund dition to it that they can be materially available for its employment, those to injured. whom the option is given of work, the A mere literal fulfilment, however, workhouse, or starvation, will bitterly of the condition here insisted on would feel the change ; and, before the nation not be sufficient. For a nation may be determines to take a step which is not able to take up arms for the purpose of required of it, and largely to increase intervention without any addition to its its expenditure for the purpose of inter- expenditure, simply because it is in the vention on behalf of others, it is bound habit of supporting large armaments in to consider whether it has a right to order that it may be in a condition to inflict such an amount of suffering upon interfere whenever it pleases in the disits own poor. If the measure were putes of foreign states. For the due obdemanded by international justice that servance of the rule it is necessary that is, by the duty which a state owes to the force to be employed should not be the general community--the case would considerably more expensive than that be different. But no such demand (as which the nation is compelled to mainwe have seen) is made. The question tain for the defence of its own territory is one not of justice, but of generosity and the protection of its own rights and -of self-sacrifice not for imperative interests. The maintenance of large duty, but for gratuitous benevolence- armaments with a view to contingencies an object for which, it may safely be not affecting the national interests is in said, no nation has a right to inflict itself a violation of the rule. Thus, in acute misery upon a large part of its order to justify the late intervention of population.

France on behalf of Italy, it ought to be From these considerations it seems to shown not only that she made for the follow that any nation in which, as in purpose no such addition to her military this country, there is a class of any establishments as added largely to her numerical importance which is habitu- expenditure, but that those establishally on the verge of poverty, ought to ments were not habitually more costly abstain from all interference in inter- than they would have been but for her national transactions not concerning general practice of interfering in quarrels itself which involves any material ad. in which she is not concerned.

It appears, then, that, in order to determine whether, in any given transaction of the class in which (as we have found in reply to the first question) the mere “right" of intervention exists, it ought, either singly or with other powers, to intervene, a nation has to consider, first, with reference to the general interest, whether its intervention would not occasion an amount of violence and bloodshed such as would be a greater evil than the wrongdoing which it is intended to prevent; and, secondly, with reference to its own interest, whether the proceeding would not involve so great an increase of taxation as would bring serious calamity upon a large number of its people. If these questions can be satisfactorily answered, intervention becomes in every such instance not only a right, but a duty.

In the preceding observations an attempt has been made to arrive at some intelligible and rational rule by which a nation may be guided in any question of armed interposition in international or civil dissensions which do not concern itself. It would seem, indeed, that in this country the difficulty has been summarily solved by the determination to abstain absolutely from all such interference. But, as this determination, in so far as it is not the product of mere selfishness, appears to rest on a very vague and indefinite foundation, it can scarcely be expected to be permanent. In the meantime, there is another kind of intervention, which appears to be tolerated by public opinion, and which, for want of a better term equally concise, may be called “moral intervention ;" that is, interposition in the way of censure, protest, or remonstrance. This species of interference is the subject of much controversy. Some persons consider that a nation may properly and laudably exercise it in all instances of conduct on the part of one foreign state towards another, or of one party in the same state towards another party in it, of which that nation disapproves. Others are of opinion that such interposition ought

never to take place unless where the interposing state is prepared to follow up its remonstrances by war. Neither the one nor the other of these opinions seems to be founded in reason. With respect to the first, we have seen that it is only in a certain class of international dissensions, which it was the object of the first of the questions above proposed to define, that any state can properly claim to pass judgment, while in civil dissensions, properly so called, it has no right to pass judgment at all ; and, on on the other hand, there seems no reason why it should abstain from expressing its opinion merely on the ground that, from considerations of its own and of the general interest, it would not be justified in a declaration or a menace of war. The only reasonable ground (as it would seem) on which such an expression of opinion could be considered inexpedient is, that it would be useless. But this is certainly far from being the case. The instances in which judgment would be given are those in which some generally admitted rule of public law, or some broad and elementary principle of, justice, has been unquestionably violated ; and in these there can be no doubt that the influence of public opinion in other countries operates with a highly deterrent effect upon wrongdoers, or that a firm and temperate remonstrance on the part of any influential state may have the best effect, if not in preventing or mitigating the wrong, at least in preventing its recurrence. In evidence of this, it is sufficient to point to the circumstances attending the French occupation of Rome; in which the wrong done was not only clear to all rightminded persons, but the wrong done, and the effect of public opinion in ultimately requiring its discontinuance, have recently been admitted by the perpetrator himself. The error so frequently committed by nations is not in protesting where they will not strike, but in protesting where they have no right to protest; that is, in cases not belonging to the category of those in which only they are entitled to pronounce an opinion. Upon the mischievous character of such

proceedings there is no need to dwell. If they happen to be based on an erroneous judgment, they are, of course, directly productive of evil. If not, the nation whose conduct is condemned, firmly believing, and not without some reason, in the justice of its own cause, and at the same time feeling that, even if it were in the wrong, the dispute is not one on which its censor has a right to decide, rejects them with indignation or with ridicule, and the entente cordiale between the two countries is endangered, to the prejudice of the cause of peace ; while, as regards the repetition of the same conduct by the same or any other nation,

such remonstrances are wholly without preventive influence.

“Intervention " has here been treated of in the more usual and limited sense of the term, in which it does not include either interposition for the purpose of protecting any rights or interests of the interposing state, or any 'action taken by a nation on account of the treatment of its own subjects in another. Such transactions fall within the scope of other branches of the general inquiry as to the circumstances under which a nation is justified in making or in threatening war.






Off one of the main streets in the Old Town of Edinburgh, at a spot where you would not be apt to look for it, lies the large block of building occupied by Edinburgh University. It is a modern structure in the Græco-Italian style, erected at very great cost between 1789 and 1834, in lieu of the older edifices which had served for the University from its foundation by James VI. in 1582. Entering from the street by a portico with Doric columns, you find yourself in a spacious, cold, grey, quadrangle, fringed round with a raised and balustraded stone walk, whence at various points doors and flights of steps give access to the library, the museums, and the class-rooms of the four Faculties of Theology, Law, Medicine, and the Arts. Into this quadrangle flock at the beginning of every November the students, to the number in late years of from 1,200 to 1,500 in all, who are then to commence, in one or other of the Faculties, their annual five months of attendance on the classes. For the

Scottish Universities differ from the English in this, that, whereas the English have three terms of study in the year, extending from October to June, the Scottish crush the entire work of the year (save that there are certain special summer-courses) into the five winter months between the beginning of November and the beginning of April. Of the students who thus every November appear in the University quadrangle, making it once more busy after its unearthly summer quiet, by far the greatest proportion are of that Faculty of Arts which is preliminary to all the three professions in common. Next in number are the students of medicine ; then those of law; and the students of theology are much the fewest. The Professors in each faculty are in approximate, but not exact, proportion to its relative number of students. There are now 4 Professors in Theology, 6 in Law, 14 in Medicine, and 12 in Arts, making a total teaching body of 36 Professors, in

addition to the Principal. The students students, preventing them from ever in each faculty are gathered from far seeing themselves all together, and and wide. A considerable nucleus in obliging their dispersion into classes, each consists of Edinburgh natives or meeting simultaneously and indepenresidents. Of the rest many are from dently at all sorts of hours; and partly, other parts of Scotland ; but a goodly I think, it is the chill elegance of the proportion are from England, Ireland, quadrangle itself. For a strangerand the Colonies. There is no means of student, after a walk in a dull Novemdiscriminating the students of the dif- ber morning through a city all otherwise ferent faculties from each other, so long strange, to arrive for the first time in as they are wending their way to the this quadrangle, with its columns, its college portico from the surrounding balustraded stone-walk, and its doors streets, unless it be by the comparative leading he knows not whither, is perjuvenility of most of the students of haps a unique experience of inquisitiveArts, and by those ininute physio- ness struggling with loneliness. He gnomic differences which enable an ex- feels that he is committed to a mode of pert to distinguish a jolly young medical life of which the possibilities are unfrom a prematurely-sharp leguleian, and discerned, and, in retrudging his way either from the solemn dedicatee to through the streets, thinking of it all, divinity. Nor, indeed, is there any he wonders what is to come of it. What means in Edinburgh of distinguishing is to come of it! There is to come of between Town and Gown in the streets it, if all goes well, and the connexion at all. The taste of modern Athens with the University lasts long enough, has disdained, or long discarded, any a love for the University, and a pride in academic costume for the students. having belonged to it, as great as any While in Oxford or Cambridge, the man can feel anywhere for the place townsmen, awed by the constant stream where he has been educated. Not even of caps and gowns, must feel themselves the affection of Oxford and Cambridge but as Vaisyas and Sudras in a city of men for their universities, or for the the Brahmins, and while in all the particular colleges where they had Scottish University-towns, except Edin- rooms on well-remembered stairs, can burgh, the streets in winter days are exceed that which the alumni of Edinmade picturesque by the far-seen bits burgh University bear to it, though of scarlet on the backs of the students their recollections of it are not of resiof Arts, in Edinburgh you might walk dence within its walls, but chiefly of about the streets all day without know- attendance on their appointed classes in ing that there was a student in it.

it for three or four consecutive winters. On the whole, to a stranger-student For the University was not only the from any other part of Scotland the con- building, but the whole student-life ditions of Edinburgh University, on his of which the building was the cenfirst arrival, and for some time after tre. The walks and talks with fellowwards, do seem unsocial. It is not only students all over the city and about its that the students do not reside in the suburbs, no less than the solitary readUniversity, meet at no common table, ings and ruminations of individual live in no sets of chambers built for the students at their firesides, were part of purpose, but are scattered all over the the University, and had their occasion town, where they will and how they will, and inspiration from within its walls. in lodgings or with relatives. In this the And within the walls themselves what University of Edinburgh does not differ memorable things happened! What from the other Scottish Universities. enthusiasms swept round the cold quadNor does the absence of academic cos- rangle, what glorious scenes there were tume contribute much to the feeling in its class-rooms, what varied excitement though it may contribute somewhat. It was there communicated, what friendis partly the numerousness of the ships were formed, what breaks there

were into the woods and forests of knowledge, showing vistas along which it might be a delight to career throughout a long future, till only the sunset of life should close in the enchantment !

Much of the peculiar power and dis tinction of the Edinburgh University has consisted in its having generally had among its professors contemporaneously two or three men not merely of admirable working ability, but of exceptional genius or greatness. The professorial system, on which this, like the other Scottish Universities, is constituted, certainly has its drawbacks. In these modern times, when the whole encyclopædia of knowledge, in every department, is accessible in books, colleges and universities, it may be plausibly argued, are cither of no use, or are of use only in so far as they organize the business of private reading, promote it, direct it, make it more accurate and exquisite, and surround it with splendid moral and sentimental accompaniments. To some extent, in the English Universities, they have conformed to this notion of the universities as a means for organizing, aiding, and drilling private perseverance in reading. They speak there of reading mathematics, reading physics, reading chemistry, reading political economy. The phrase, in this generalized sense, is unknown in Scotland. Pinkerton's complaint, made seventy years ago, that his countrymen, with plenty of natural ingenuity, were unable to turn it to substantial account for lack of a sufficient nutri. ment of learning, and were often whirling their ingenuity elaborately in vacuo, is true in a great measure yet. Connected with this deficiency, partly as cause, and partly as effect, is that professorial system in the Scottish universities according to which knowledge in the great subjects of liberal study is supposed to be acquired by listening to courses of lectures on those subjects, prepared and delivered by men who have made them especially their own. Aware of the defects of this professorial method, the Scottish Universities have recently been taking pains to remedy them, not only by an increased use of that spur of examina

tions of which there has been so general an application of late throughout the country, but also by introducing as much of the tutorial method as possible in aid of the professorial. And yet, on the other hand, no one whose experience is wide enough to enable him fully to appreciate the merits of both methods but will maintain the enormous superiority, in certain circumstances, and for certain effects, of the professorial over the tutorial. It is not only that the majority of young men will not read and do not read, and that it is at least something if these are physically detained for a session or two in a room where certain orders of notions are kept sounding in the air, and where, unless they are deaf, they must imbibe something of them. In addition to this there is the fact that certain subjects—they are those, I think, which do not consist so much of a perpetually increasing accumulation of matter as of a moving orb of ideas, undergoing internal changes — do admit of being more effectively learnt, with something like symmetry and completeness, from competent oral exposition to large numbers at once than from reading under tutorial superintendence. But, whether in these subjects or in any others, the grand advantage of the professorial system lies in the chance it affords of the appearance of men of great intellectual power in a position, relatively to the rising generation, of the utmost conceivable influence. Nowhere is there such an action and reaction of mind, such a kindling and maintenance of high intellectual enthusiasm, as in a university class-room where a teacher whose heart is in his work sees day after day before him a crowded audience of the same youths on the same benches, eager to listen, and to carry away what they can in their note-books. Nowhere is a man more likely to be roused himself by the interest of his subject, and nowhere are the conditions so favourable for the expeditious and permanent conveyance, not only of his doctrines, but of the whole image of himself into other minds. Whenever, accordingly, it does chance that men of exceptionally powerful

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