INTROD.] STATE OF THAT KINGDOM. 73 from the bands raised for her defence as from the invasions of the English; and the combined effects of these two causes had almost reduced her to anarchy and utter ruin. Two bodies of her so-called defenders, particularly distinguished by their ferocity, were the Ecorcheurs and Retondeurs, whose violence and brigandage were openly patronized by a large portion of the princes, nobles, and even magistrates of France. The dread of these lawless bands retarded the liberation of France, and especially the evacuation of Paris; for the citizens hesitated to call in deliverers at whose hands they were likely to suffer more damage than from the well-trained troops of England, which, under Henry V., had been subjected to a rigorous and almost puritanical discipline." The misery of France is depicted by a writer, who, under the title of a Bourgeois de Paris, though he was in reality a doctor of the University, kept a journal of those times. He states that in 1438 5,000 persons died in the Hôtel Dieu, and more than 45,000 in the city, from famine and its attendant epidemics. The wolves prowled around Paris, and even in its streets. In September, 1438, no fewer than fourteen persons were devoured by them between Montmartre and the Porte St. Martin, whilst in the open country around three or four score fell victims." This picture presents a striking contrast to that just drawn of Belgium. In the struggle that was to ensue between the King of France and the Duke of Burgundy, everything seemed to promise the success of the latter; and it will be an interesting task to trace how the wise and politic conduct of one or two French Monarchs enabled them to combat all these disadvantages and finally to turn the scale in their favour. Yet the vast domains of the House of Burgundy contained from the first the seeds of future weakness and dissolution. Their population was composed of different races speaking various languages, and alien to one another in temperament, customs, and interests; while the manner in which some of the provinces had been acquired had laid the foundation for future interminable disputes, both with France and with the Empire. In such a heterogeneous state there was no power of centralization-the principle by which France acquired, and still holds, her rank among nations. The name of Ecorcheurs speaks for itself; that of Retondeurs seems to designate those who sheared again the unhappy victims who had already undergone the process. 2 Martin, Hist. de France, t. vi. p. 11. Journal du Bourgeois, p. 502; Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. p. 99 (ed. Paris, 1661); Michelet, Hist. de France, t. vii. p. 254. Sir John Fortescue also, who visited France a little after this date, in his book De Laudibus Angliæ, describes that kingdom as quite a desert in comparison with England. 74 FRENCH STANDING ARMY. [INTROD. The fearful height to which the disorders of France had risen was already beginning to work its own cure; for it was evident that the monarchy could not co-exist with it. At this juncture Charles VII. had the good fortune to be served by a ministry whose bold and able counsels procured for him the appellation of Charles le bien servi. Among the princes and nobles who formed it sat two roturiers, or plebeians, of distinguished merit : Jean Bureau, a Maître des Comptes, or Officer of Finance; and Jacques Cœur, the son of a furrier at Bourges, whose enterprising genius had enabled him to establish mercantile and financial relations with most parts of the then known world. Bureau, on the other hand, though a civilian, had a real military genius, and effected great improvements in the artillery. Perhaps, also, we must include in Charles's Council a woman and a mistressthe gentle Agnes Sorel, whose reproaches are said to have piqued his honour and stimulated his exertions.' After consulting the States-General of the League d'Oil, an Ordinance was published, November 2nd, 1439, which forms an epoch in French history. A standing army was to be organized, which was not to subsist, like the bands formerly raised by the nobles, by robbery and plunder, but to receive regular pay. The design of this force, the first of the kind raised by any Christian Sovereign, originated with the Constable Richemont. Fifteen companies of gens d'armes, called from their institution compagnies d'ordonnance, were to be raised, each consisting of one hundred lances garnies, or furnished lances; that is, a mounted man-at-arms with five followers, of whom three were mounted. This would give a standing army of between 7,000 and 8,000 men. The man-at-arms was a person of some consideration. He was attended by a page, two archers, a valet d'armes, and a coutillier, making in all four combatants. The coutillier was a sort of light-horseman, also called brigandinier, from his wearing a brigandine, or quilted jacket covered with plates of iron. Thus the man-at-arms in some sort represented the ancient Knight; and we discern in the whole institution the image of Feudality in its transition to the modern military system. It was not, however, till 1445, after the dispersion, by the Swiss campaign in the preceding year, of the old 1 This tradition does not only rest on the pretty quatrain of Francis I. :— Gentille Agnès plus de los en mérite. ouvrer Close nonnain ou bien dévot ermite. The service she did to France is also attested by the Burgundian chronicler, Olivier de la Marche, liv. i. c. 13. 2 Martin, Hist. de France, t. vi. p. 419. INTROD.] HOW VIEWED. 75 bands which used to annoy France, that an opportunity presented itself for carrying out this military reform. In 1448 Charles VII. issued another Ordinance for the raising of an infantry force, which, however, was not to be a standing one like the cavalry, but merely a sort of royal militia, raised in the different communes. They wore a uniform, were armed with bows and arrows, and were called francs archers, or free bowmen, because they were exempted from all taxes except the gabelle, or tax on salt. On the other hand, they received no pay except in time of war. The franc archer wore a salade or light casque, and a brigandine, and besides his bow and arrows carried a sword and dagger. All this was a decided advance in the military system; yet still how far behind the organization of the Turkish army a century before! These measures were received with universal joy except by those who profited by the old system; that is, the nobles. The people, regarding only the immediate benefit of being delivered from the fangs of the Ecorcheurs, did not perceive that by consenting to establish this new force they were bartering away their own liberties. For its maintenance the States granted to the King 1,200,000 francs per annum for ever, and thus deprived themselves of the power of the purse, the origin and safeguard of liberty in England. A few reflecting heads indeed saw further. Thomas Basin, Bishop of Lisieux, a contemporary writer of bold and almost republican opinions, predicted and denounced1 the abuse that might be made of standing armies for the purposes of tyranny. But the people had no conception of self-government. Attendance at the national assemblies was regarded only as a troublesome and expensive duty, from which they were glad to be relieved. On the other hand, by this measure, the nobility 2 1 In his Hist. Caroli VII., ap. Martin, t. vi. p. 422. 2 Thus Charles VII., in answer to a remonstrance of the nobles in 1441, observes: "Assembler les Etats n'est que charge et dépense au pauvre peuple," and that "plusieurs notables seigneurs ont requis que l'on cessât de telle convocation faire."-Monstrelet, t. vii. p. 187. An account of the rise and functions of the Etats Généraux, or French States, as well as of the Parliaments, &c., is given by Mr. Hallam, Middle Ages, ch. ii. part ii. The historical student will remember that the States-General, which however gradually fell into disuse, answered in some degree to our Parliament, and that the French Parliament, or Parliament of Paris, was in reality little more than a High Court of Justice, at first ambulatory, till fixed at Paris in the reign of Philip the Fair, according to Pasquier, Mallot, and others, in 1302; but with more probability, according to Hénault, on the authority of Budé, in 1294. It consisted at that time of two chambers, the Grand' Chambre and Chambre des Enquétes; and of two sorts of counsellors, the Conseillers Jugeurs, and the Conseillers Rapporteurs. The former, composed of prelates and barons, had, as their name implies, the judicial functions; while the latter, who were of the bourgeoisie, were employed in previously preparing and examining all causes. As, however, the Parliament thus only saw through their eyes, they 76 THE PRAGUERIE. [INTROD. were deprived of all military command except through the authority of the King; the important principle was established that none, of whatsoever rank, should impose a tax on his vassals without authority of the King's letters patent; and all lordships where this should be done were declared ipso facto confiscated. Thus the contest was now vigorously entered on between the French King and his feudal nobility, which being continued in the next and some following reigns, ended in making France a powerful and absolute monarchy. In England, the great power of the Norman and Angevin Sovereigns induced the barons to unite with the people in the acquirement and defence of their common liberties; in France, the weakness of the Prince and the extravagant privileges of the nobles, formidable alike to crown and people, produced a strange but not unexampled combination between those two extreme orders of the State: and when the subjugation of the aristocracy was completed it was not difficult for the Prince to hold the people in subjection. It was impossible, however, that a measure which so vitally affected the interests of the French nobles should pass without opposition. In 1440 the Dukes of Bourbon and Alençon, the Counts of Vendôme aud Dunois, and others, suddenly quitted the Court and retired into Poitou, after enticing the Dauphin Louis, then only eighteen years of age, into their plot. But the unusual vigour and activity displayed by the King, and the favour everywhere declared by the people towards his government, disconcerted the measures of the conspirators, who at length found it advisable to return to their obedience; the Dauphin made his submission to his father at Cuset, and was sent away to govern Dauphiné; and this revolt, contemptuously called the Praguerie, from the Hussite risings in Bohemia, terminated without any serious consequences. Much, however, still remained to be done in order to centralize the Power of the Crown of France. Normandy and Guienne had been long held by the English, after whose expulsion it was some time before the effectual authority of the French Crown could be established in those duchies. Brittany, though less powerful than Burgundy, pretended to an independence still more absolute; at length became the principal persons and formed the body afterwards called la Robe. The only political function of the Parliament was to verify and register the royal edicts; and by refusing to do this they might exercise a sort of veto, which, however, though it sometimes an noyed the King, was seldom of much practical importance, as he could always compel registration in a lit de justice. Besides the Parliament of Paris there were also those of Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Rouen, Aix, Rennes, Pau, &c. INTROD.] WANT OF CENTRALIZATION. 77 Provence was not yet united to the French Crown, but was held of the Emperor as part of the old Burgundian Kingdom of Arles; Dauphiné, the appanage of the Dauphin of Vienne, was in a great degree beyond the control of the French King, and was moreover still traditionally regarded as appertaining to the Empire. The history of the next few reigns is the history of the consolidation of the French monarchy by the reduction of its great and almost independent vassals: an undertaking which, though not finally completed till the time of Cardinal Richelieu, had already made progress enough in the reign of Charles VIII. to allow France to play a great part in the affairs of Europe. At the same period England had also emerged from its domestic troubles by the union of the two Houses of York and Lancaster in the person of Henry VII.; but the pacific policy of that Sovereign delayed till the reign of his successor any important interference on the part of England in the affairs of the Continent. |