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chiualer Descoce, qenherdaunt estoit a Robert de Bruys-was lying in ambush for him with four hundred men, about half a league farther on. Gray's party contained only six-and-twenty men-at-arms. To these he explained the situation, and with one voice they declared they would force the ambuscade. The grooms and valets were directed to fall behind; a standard was given to them, with instructions that they were on no account to show themselves till their masters were engaged with the enemy. The clump of spears moved on, and, as they had been warned, were fiercely attacked by De Bickerton's men. Gray was ready for them; down went the lances into rest, and the men-atarms charged clean through the opposing force; wheeled, charged back, and again a third time. De Bickerton's men had not bargained for this they had reckoned on making an easy prey of such a small party. Just then the party of lads and grooms rode into view, the standard gaily fluttering above them. The Scots beat a retreat, and, getting into bad ground, left nine score horses in a bog, which Gray extricated at leisure, and took home to his stables at Cupar.

Perhaps the most interesting episode in the elder Gray's adventures related by his son was his experience at Bannockburn. It is historically important, too, though it has received but little serious attention, and affords an insight into some of the circumstances of that great battle which have hitherto remained most obscure. For instance, it has generally been assumed by historians that, in the skirmish on the day before the battle the Quatre

Bras of Bannockburn-Moray was in command of a body of horse. It could not be explained otherwise how he was able to intercept or overtake the cavalry of De Clifford and De Beaumont in their attempt to reach Stirling Castle, after they had got round the left flank of the Scottish position. On the other hand, nobody could say how Moray obtained cavalry for the purpose, as it is known that the only mounted troops in the Scottish army were the 500 lances under Sir Robert de Keith. The difficulty is clearly explained in 'Scalacronica.'

According to Gray, it was the original intention of Edward II., in advancing from Stirling, to attack the Scots in their position on the Bannock Burn on Sunday, June 23. It is not quite clear whether Gloucester, in pressing forward with the vanguard of heavy cavalry, was aware that the main body had received orders to halt on the rising ground about Plean. At all events he held on his way - les ioenes gentz ne aresterent my tindrent lour chemyns-and the famous singlehanded encounter took place between King Robert and Sir Henry de Bohun, or, as Gray avers, Piers de Montfort. Meanwhile De Clifford and De Beaumont had been detached by Gloucester to make their way with 300 horse 1 round the east flank of the Scots, past the hamlet of St Ninians, and effect communication with the garrison of Stirling. King Robert had foreseen this, and specially charged his nephew, Randolph Moray, to prevent any such movement. Now, Moray commanded the central of the three divisions of the Scottish line, and from his position commanded but an im

1 Barbour says 800, but Gray is sure to be right in this instance.

that Wallace was arrested in the house of one Rawe Raa, in Glasgow; and this Rawe or Ralf may have obtained his liberty on condition of betraying Wallace. The obloquy of this deed has usually been attached to Sir John de Menteith; but that knight was Edward's Sheriff of Dunbarton, and would be doing no more than his duty in receiving Wallace when brought to him for imprisonment.

The next point in the 'Scalacronica' which throws an original light on historical events is an account of the circumstances of the murder of John Comyn by Robert de Brus. The statements of historians are so various and irreconcilable on this subject that it would be hardly worth while to add another, even under the hand of a contemporary, but for the curious fact that all Bruce's biographers have overlooked or intentionally suppressed the story told by Gray. It is distinctly unfavourable to Bruce, which tells all the more seriously against him, because Gray generally writes in a remarkably impartial way, taking, as a man of the world, a broad view of characters and actions.

Writing in his prison in Edinburgh in 1355, forty-nine years after an event of which he must have heard his father's account, Gray states that on the fatal 10th of February Robert de Brus sent his two brothers, Thomas and Neil, from Lochmaben to Dalswinton, the residence of John Comyn, to invite him to an interview in the church of the Minorite Friars at Dumfries. They were instructed to ride with Comyn, attack and kill him on the way. Comyn, however, received them so kindly and showed so much readiness to ride with them and meet their brother, that Thomas and Neil thought shame of their trea

son, and brought Comyn safely to Dumfries, where their brother Robert was waiting for them.

"Sir," they said to their future king, "he gave us such a handsome reception and such large gifts, and won so upon us by his open countenance, that we could not bring ourselves to hurt him." Indeed," replied Robert; "you are mighty particular. Let me meet him." (Voir, bien estez lectous, lessez moi convenir.)

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Then Bruce led Comyn before the altar, and Gray gives a lengthy report of the interview, which, as it is impossible that the substance could be known to any but the two principals, who, it is supposed, had drawn apart, is not worth repeating afresh. He mentions, however, that Sir Robert Comyn, immediately on his nephew falling wounded, struck Bruce with his sword, which glanced from his armour, and incontinently Sir Robert was cut down. The amplitude of detail which Gray has put into this incident is in marked contrast to the brevity of his style in dealing with some of the most important transactions.

There was plenty of work for the elder Gray in the long warfare brought about by Bruce's revolt, and it may be gathered from the public records how constantly he was employed on the Borders during these years. But his son has nothing to tell of his father's adventures till the spring of 1308. The greatest of the Plantagenets had passed away before then, and men had cause already to realise how little of his powerful spirit had descended on Edward of Carnarvon. Sir Thomas Gray was returning from the coronation of Edward II. to the castle of Cupar, in Fife, of which he was governor, when a countryman warned him that Sir Walter de Bickerton —

on.

chiualer Descoce, qenherdaunt estoit a Robert de Bruys-was lying in ambush for him with four hundred men, about half a league farther Gray's party contained only six-and-twenty men-at-arms. To these he explained the situation, and with one voice they declared they would force the ambuscade. The grooms and valets were directed to fall behind; a standard was given to them, with instructions that they were on no account to show themselves till their masters were engaged with the enemy. The clump of spears moved on, and, as they had been warned, were fiercely attacked by De Bickerton's men. Gray was ready for them; down went the lances into rest, and the men-atarms charged clean through the opposing force; wheeled, charged back, and again a third time. De Bickerton's men had not bargained for this: they had reckoned on making an easy prey of such a small party. Just then the party of lads and grooms rode into view, the standard gaily fluttering above them. The Scots beat a retreat, and, getting into bad ground, left nine score horses in a bog, which Gray extricated at leisure, and took home to his stables at Cupar.

Perhaps the most interesting episode in the elder Gray's adventures related by his son was his experience at Bannockburn. It is historically important, too, though it has received but little serious attention, and affords an insight into some of the circumstances of that great battle which have hitherto remained most obscure. For instance, it has generally been assumed by historians that, in the skirmish on the day before the battle the Quatre

Bras of Bannockburn-Moray was in command of a body of horse. It could not be explained otherwise how he was able to intercept or overtake the cavalry of De Clifford and De Beaumont in their attempt to reach Stirling Castle, after they had got round the left flank of the Scottish position. On the other hand, nobody could say how Moray obtained cavalry for the purpose, as it is known that the only mounted troops in the Scottish army were the 500 lances under Sir Robert de Keith. The difficulty is clearly explained in 'Scalacronica.'

According to Gray, it was the original intention of Edward II., in advancing from Stirling, to attack the Scots in their position on the Bannock Burn on Sunday, June 23. It is not quite clear whether Gloucester, in pressing forward with the vanguard of heavy cavalry, was aware that the main body had received orders to halt on the rising ground about Plean. At all events he held on his way les ioenes gentz ne aresterent my tindrent lour chemyns-and the famous singlehanded encounter took place between King Robert and Sir Henry de Bohun, or, as Gray avers, Piers de Montfort. Meanwhile De Clifford and De Beaumont had been detached by Gloucester to make their way with 300 horse1 round the east flank of the Scots, past the hamlet of St Ninians, and effect communication with the garrison of Stirling. King Robert had foreseen this, and specially charged his nephew, Randolph Moray, to prevent any such movement. Now, Moray commanded the central of the three divisions of the Scottish line, and from his position commanded but an im

Barbour says 800, but Gray is sure to be right in this instance.

perfect view of the low ground on his left. It was the king who first detected the English horse passing along the edge of the carse, and the first intimation Moray got of what was taking place was a stinging reproach from his uncle, that "he had let a rose fall from his chaplet."

Had Moray possessed command of cavalry in his division, no doubt he would have sent or led them along the higher ground to intercept the English party riding round it. Having only infantry, he set out for the same purpose, and effected it, but only by reason of what is described by Gray. Mark this, that although Sir Thomas Gray, the chronicler, was not on the ground, his father, Sir Thomas Gray, was actually riding with De Clifford and De Beaumont. The younger Gray, therefore, had perhaps better information of the course of events than any other writer. He states that Moray issist du boys od sa batail" came out of the wood with his array "and that as soon as De Beaumont saw this, he cried, Retreyoms nous vn poys, lessez lez uenir, donez lez chaumps-that is, "Hold hard a little; let them come on; give them room!" On which Sir Thomas Gray said he was afraid the Scots were too strong for them.

"Look you!" retorted De Beaumont, "if you are afraid, away with you!" (fuez!)

"Sir," answered Gray, "it is not for fear that I shall fly to-day." (Sire, pur poour ne fueray ieo huy.)

With these words he ranged up between De Beaumont and Sir William d'Eyncourt, and the word was given to charge. The Scots

were formed "en schiltrome"-the solid column which could be converted in a moment into a square, or, more correctly, a rounded oval, by halting, facing the rear companies about, and wheeling the central ones outwards by sections. Wallace had learnt this drill from the Flemings, who, as Gray reminds us, thus defeated the pride of French chivalry at Courtray, thereby first proving how infantry in this formation could withstand the shock of heavy cavalry. The two outer ranks knelt, with their long pikes held obliquely, the butts firmly planted in the ground. Behind them their comrades levelled their pikes, and against this hedge of steel the English horsemen dashed in vain. D'Eyncourt was killed at the first onset; Gray's horse fell under him, and he was taken prisoner; vain were the furious efforts of the men-at-arms to stir the solid schiltrome. the horses were disembowelled by the cruel pikes; the proud knights had to own themselves beaten. In full view of the garrison of Stirling they drew off, leaving many men dead or prisoners, and thus Moray's honour was retrieved, the fallen rose restored to his chaplet.1

Half

It is no part of my purpose to retrace in this place the story of Bannockburn; but there is one statement made by Gray which has never yet received the attention which seems to be due to it, especially as it took place within the Scottish camp, where his father remained a prisoner. He says that King Robert and his generals were of opinion that the events of Sunday had redeemed sufficiently the pledge given the previous year by Edward de Bruce to the English

I have paid two visits to the battlefield during this year since reading Gray's narrative, which is the only one consistent with the nature of the ground and the position of the Scots.

knight, Sir Philip de Mowbray. They had met King Edward in the open field; the King of Scots had, with his own hand, slain the champion sent out by Gloucester; Moray had scattered the picked horsemen of De Clifford and De Beaumont, two of Edward's most famous commanders; it were folly to tempt fortune by waiting to encounter tremendous odds on the morrow. Orders had actually been issued for a midnight parade of the whole Scottish army, in order to march off into the wild country of the Lennox, when Sir Alexander de Seton, a knight in the English service, rode into the Scottish lines and demanded to be taken before the king.

"Sire," he said, "this is of all moments that which you should seize if you think of ever recovering Scotland. The English have lost all heart, and dread a sudden assault. I declare to you, on pain of being drawn and hanged, that if you give them battle on the morrow, you will win an easy victory." On hearing this, affirms Sir Thomas Gray, the king changed his plans, with the tremendous result of which all the world knows.

The chronicler passes some melancholy reflections on the indolence (peresce) with which Edward II. allowed the fruits of his father's conquest to slip from his hands, and left his brave Borderers to defend their own lands. But he tells some stirring tales of chivalrous exploits performed by his own father and others during these years of discouragement. The following is too good to be allowed to perish.

About two years after Bannockburn a great banquet took place in a certain castle of the county of Nichol (le counte de Nichol). I am unable to fix the precise

was

locality of this county, but it seems to have been in the neighbourhood of Northampton. Among the lords and ladies at table was one Sir William Marmion, a knight of Lincolnshire, to whom brought a helmet with a gold crest, a present from his lady-love. With the helmet came a letter from the lady, bidding Marmion go to the most perilous part of Britain, and there make her gift famous (qil feist cel healme estre conuz). Straightway a discussion arose what place answered best to that description, and with one consent the whole company decided that there was none to be compared with Norham Castle for chance of adventure. Thither, accordingly, hied Sir Marmion, and was sympathetically received by Sir Thomas Gray the elder, constable of that castle.

Marmion had not long to wait. Just as he was sitting down to dinner at noon of the fourth day after his arrival, Sir Alexander de Moubray and some of the hardiest knights of the Border (od le plus apert cheualery de la marche Descoce) appeared under the walls with 160 men-at-arms. The constable was posting his men for defence, when he perceived Marmion straddling across the courtyard in full armour, the sun flashing on his gold helmet - tout relusaunt dor et dargent.

"Ho! sir knight," cried Sir Thomas, "you have come here to make that helmet famous. Deeds of chivalry should be done on horseback when that is possible. Send for your horse; see! there is the foe; mount and spur in amongst them. I renounce my God if I do not rescue your body alive or dead, unless I perish myself."

The knight had no choice but to obey: he mounted his warhorse (vn bel destreir), the castle

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