him, that he could not be saved out of the Roman Catholic Church. I was obliged to write Italian letters to Rome and Naples, to procure them money for saying mass. They told me that this is authorized by Scripture, for St. Paul says, He who serves the altar shall live of the altar. One day, a father of the convent said, "I will show you, my brethren, the effects of my mission!" and he then produced some golden earrings which he had procured for the convent, saying, that a woman whom he persuaded of the vanity of this world, and that many went to hell on account of their extravagance in dress, had given them to him. The whole convent rejoiced at this fruit of his mission.

After I had been two months in the convent, the above-mentioned P. Sabelli came from Vienna to Valsainte, and, supposing I had now entirely given up the idea of returning to liberty, in consequence of my banishment from Rome, he began to initiate me more and more into their system. They say, Christ requires prudence, as appears by the following passage:-" Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves: be ye therefore wise as serpents, and harmless as doves." Acting, as they said, on this precept, when one of the fraternity wanted a passport and could not obtain it, another wrote one for him, imitating the writing of a director of the police, and it was so good an imitation, that the police of the towns, through which he passed, acknowledged and subscribed it.

After this, Sabelli told S, that the Police of Vienna had found out the place where Rosalia resided, and that she was brought back again, but by the grace of God she confessed nothing. This is the lady who escaped from Vienna, as before mentioned.* The fact is this, Hofbauer intended to establish a female school in Bucharest, for the instruction of the schismatic Greeks, and for their conversion to the Romish Church. Lady Rosalia, who was completely duped by him, brought her pearls to him, and he procured for her journey to Bucharest 250 crowns, she gave the half of it to P. Hofbauer: and Hofbauer commanded his Secretary to write to the Rector of the Ligorians in Bucharest, that he

*During his previous residence at Vienna, Rosalia, the young lady alluded to, then about 19 years of age, visited Hofbauer every day. At this time, Hofbauer, having recently esta blished a convent of his order at Bucharest, and being in great want of proper persons to take charge of a school connected with the establishment, persuaded Rosalia to run away from her parents, and go to Bucharest for this purpose. Her escape was effected by means of the facilities afforded by Hofhauer and his agents.

might now establish the school, as Rosalia would soon arrive. S- assisted her in escaping from Vienna; and Sand Ro salia, who well knew that the police_of Vienna, and her rich parents, and the Bishop, would examine him as to where she was, and what she had said, agreed together, that she should tell him nothing, but only confide in him. S engaged a ship to carry her to Presbourg; as she was conveying her clothes from home, her sister observed it, and asked her what she was doing; she answered, I am going to make a present of them to a poor nun-she calling herself in her own mind that poor nun, that she might not tell a lie.

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Hofbauer gave her the benediction, and she escaped by means of the ship provided for her, changing her name, and Scompanied her to the ship; and one hour after her escape, her parents, perceiving she was gone, went to Hofbauer, S―, and Sabelli, and asked them whether they knew where their daughter was; and they said, "We do not know," meaning, we do not know where she is at this moment. Her aged parents, her brother, and her sister, kneeled down, and said, We do not wish her to return, but only wish to know where she is, and whether she told you any thing; and they answered, "She told us nothing!"

S- confessed himself, when he related this history, that he was much moved by the lamentation of her parents, but still he did not confess any thing. The news of her escape quickly spread through Vienna, and one priest thought he saw her in the street, another heard that she was gone to Rome, and Sand Sabelli made use of these reports, when they were examined by the consistory of Vienna. Hofbauer, instead of answering when questioned on this subject, began to preach to the magistrate about justice, and all he would say was, "I don't know!"

Twizan, director of the consistory of Vienna, said to P. Sabelli, "Did Rosalia never tell you that she would escape ?" Sabelli answered, "Yes, and she said so likewise to her parents." For Rosalia indeed said so very often, but in a way, that they all thought she was not in earnest. Sabelli availed himself of this to deceive the consistory. Twizan asked, "Do you know where she is now ?" Sabelli answered again, "Yes, she is in Vienna, for a priest called Job saw her." When he was asked at another time by the consistory about her, he said again, "I know where she is now." And, being desired to name the place, he said, "At Rome."

S escaped afterward to Valsainte, and, in the hour of recreation, related the circumstances. I felt grieved, and I found that I was in dangerous society. I said to

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You told an untruth in this." He said, "No, for I asked my confessor upon the point, and he said that I was pincere, and that he should have said the same, which was impossible, had it been an untruth." Hofbauer was S's confessor, and thus we can form a judgment as to his principles.

I detest the spirit of Voltaire, Diderot, and Rousseau, because they have blasphemed Christ, who is God over all, blessed for ever; yet must I agree with them in what they have written against many who are called ministers of Christ, especially with what they have said against Jesuits and

monks.

My health was not good from the first moment that I received the religious habit; the desire of reading the Scriptures returned, and in five months I read the whole of the word of God, for the first time, in Latin, notwithstanding all the obstacles which they opposed to me. The Rector said to me,

God will surely condemn you for your obstinate reading of the Scriptures; for Christian virtue consists in obedience to superiors, to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams; for rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness is as iniquity and idolatry.'" I was so afflicted, that I could neither eat, drink, nor sleep; an internal voice said to me without ceasing, "Leave this convent, and preach the Gospel of Christ to your brethren." I made known my distressed situation to the Rector, and requested him to dismiss me, that I might enter another convent. The Rector said that was a temptation of the devil, and told me to go into the church, and pray with devotion, "Pater Noster," for half an hour. I obeyed, but I was more uneasy than before. thought I would endeavour to dispel my melancholy by doing good to others, and, therefore, I employed seven hours daily in teaching the students Latin, Greck, and German; but, in the midst of my teaching, the desire of preaching the Gospel, not only to my brethren, but likewise to the Mahomedans, kept possession of my heart, and drops of sweat from anguish fell from my face, so that all my pupils observed it. I wrote to the Bishop of Freybourg, that, notwithstanding all the regard I owed to the Ligorian order, I was not happy in their society, and that I would therefore enter a convent of the Capuchin order. He wrote me, for answer, that I should speak upon that subject to the Rector.

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The study of the Casuistic Divinity, from the many contradictions about the doctrine of Transubstantiation, confession of every sin to the priest, and of traditions, convineed me of the folly of respecting it. I saw there, in practice, that self-righteous

ness produces abominable pride. Oftentimes a member of that convent would show me his whip coloured with blood.

The Rector called one day for a pupil of mine, and examined him about my sentiments; he asked him, whether I never showed any inclination to the Jews?-The pupil told me this again, because the Rector forgot to prohibit him, and to desire him to tell me nothing. I thus understood my dangerous situation, and went therefore to the Rector, and said to him, "Why do you ask such things of my pupils ?" He was very much surprised, and said, "I have not any distrust of you, but I was ordered by letter to do so." I easily perceived that that letter came from Rome. I resolved, therefore, to leave the convent, and to enter another which was not so subjected to the Romish see, and which sent out missionaries to the east.

I left the convent, after having abode there seven months, and the Rector gave me a testimonial which certified my good moral conduct, but not that my faith was unadulterated, as was generally certified with respect to others. When I left the convent, I had only four shillings. I dined the first day of my journey in a convent of Carthusian friars, who are not permitted to eat meat, but fish and herbs, and who are required to speak nothing but "Memento mori," or "plorabis et jejunabis, cras enim morieris," -(Remember you must die. Weep and lament, for to-morrow you will die.) I left it after two hours, and arrived at Bulle, a town in the canton of Freybourg, where a Capuchin convent is. I asked the Superior of the convent, whom they call Guardian, whether they would receive me as a member of their society: he replied, with joy and gladness. But an invisible power did not permit it should be so; and I went, therefore, the following day, to Vevais, where I found a Protestant friend, with whom I had met when I went to Rome. I was some days with him, and he recommended me to some friends of the Emperor of Russia, in the hope that they would recommend me to that monarch; therefore, I went to Lausanne, where I intended to wait the answer of the Emperor, in the house of a pious Protestant bookseller.

The providence of God conducted me to Miss Greaves, and other English Christians, who already knew me by report. They recommended me to an English clergyman, who was at that time at Lausanne, and was going to London, for which place they gave Ine letters of introduction, and I departed for London, after having remained in Geneva some days with pious Protestants, among others with Madame D'Armand, whom I had met with four years before with Madame la Paronne Krudener, in Switzer

land. I arrived in London on the first of June, 1819, being twenty-three years of age, and ten months.

Thus far the manuscript of Mr. Wolf. His remaining history may be related in a few words. The English gentleman, to whom he had become known at Rome, and from whom he there received the promise of protection, welcomed him on his arrival in England, and afterward recommended him to the London Society for promoting Christianity among the Jews, as a person likely to prove a valuable Missionary for Jerusalem and the East. The Society was satisfied with his appearance and conversa tion; and, that they might prove and might ensure his qualifications, they sent him to reside at Cambridge, under the superintendence and care of the Rev. Charles Simeon and Mr. Professor Lee, who kindly assisted him in the study of the oriental languages. He remained at Cambridge until the Society

opened its Missionary college at Stansted, in Sussex, and then removed thither with the other students.

In the spring of the year 1821, some circumstances arose which made it necessary that Mr. Wolf should proceed to Palestine, without waiting the completion of some previous arrangements which the Society considered desirable, if he went as their Missionary. And it was therefore arranged, that Mr. Wolf should proceed to Palestine, under the superintendence of the gentleman who had originally recommended him to the Society, and of another friend. He left England accordingly in the summer of 1821, in a vessel for Gibraltar. He proceeded from thence to Malta, to Alexandria, to Jerusalem, and to different parts of Palestine. He returned again to Malta, in the latter end of 1822; and in the beginning of the year 1823, he went to Palestine a second time, in company with two American Missionaries.

In our last we brought down the history of the island to the year 1600, at which time the natives having been exterminated, the whole country fell into the hands of a few indolent Spaniards. In 1630, the English and French, who had for a long time desired to establish themselves in the West Indies, and had at length succeeded in making a settlement on St. Christopher's, were driven from this island by the jealous Spaniards, and compelled to find a retreat in the small and rocky island of Tortuga, situated a few miles to the northwest of St. Domingo. Here they lived for some years in obscurity with their women and children, deriving their subsistence partly from the cultivation of the soil, but principally from their hunting excursions in the extensive plains of the neighbouring island. At length the Spaniards discovered their retreat, and during the absence of the men massacred all the women and children. Driven to desperation by these cruelties, the enraged husbands vowed eternal hatred to the Spanish name. Forming themselves into small companies, they issued from their strong hold in Tortuga ; and, under

the name of bucaniers, for more than half a century grievously harassed the Spanish settiements and commerce.

From the island of Tortuga, the French spread themselves over the northern coast of St. Domingo, of which they at length obtained possession; and in 1665 they began to attract the attention of the mother country, their number having increased at that time to 400 regular planters. The multiplication of these settlers was perceived by the French government to be an object of the first importance, and Bertrand D'Ogeron, a gentleman of Anjou, was sent out to take charge of the colony. Under his admirable management the number of planters was increased in four years, from 400 to 1500, and the colony became a powerful rival to that of the Spaniards in the eastern part of the island. For many years there were continual hostilities between them. At length, however, at the peace of Ryswick, in the year 1697, the French obtained a regular cession of the western part of St. Domingo.-From this period to the time of the French revolution, the colony progressively and rapidly advanced, exhibit

ing a state of almost uninterrupted prosperity. In 1754 the population consisted of 14,000 whites, nearly 4,000 free mulattoes, and 172,000 negroes; at the same time there were 599 sugar plantations, 3379 of indigo, 98,946 cocoa trees, 6,000,000 banana-trees, and 63,000 horses and mules. In 1767 the slaves had increased to 206,000, and in 1789, according to the estimate of Edwards, the whole population of the French colony was 534,831, of whom 30,831 were whites, 24,000 mulattoes, and 480,000 slaves. At this period the number of vessels employed in the trade of the colo ny was 710, navigated by 18,466 seamen, and the value of the exports, consisting of coffee, sugar, indigo, cacoa, and cotton, was upwards of 5,000,000l. sterling.

At the period of the French revolution, the government of the colony was exercised by a governor general, and an officer called intendant, both of whom were nominated by the crown.

Their powers, in some cases, were administered jointly; in others, they possessed separate and distinct authority. In their joint administration their authority was unlimited, comprehending every part of the colonial government, and extending even to detail, in the minutest branches of finance and police.-The number of the king's troops on the colonial establishment, was commonly from 2,000 to 3,000 men, and each of the 52 parishes into which the colony was divided, raised one or more companies of white militia, a company of mulattoes and a company of free blacks.-The free men of colour in all the French islands, although released from the dominion of individuals, were still consider ed as the property of the public, and were treated as slaves. They were compelled to serve in the militia of the province to which they belonged, without pay or allowance, and to furnish arms, ammunition, and accoutrements, at their own expense. They were forbidden to hold any public office, or to exercise any of the professions. A mulatto could not be a priest, lawyer, apothecary, or schoolmaster; and the distinction of colour, did not terminate as in the Bri

tish West Indies, with the third generation. The taint in the blood was incurable, and extended to the latest posterity. The only important privilege they possessed, was that of acquiring and holding property to any amount; and with this privilege, several of them became the owners of considerable estates. Such was the condition of St. Domingo, at the commencement of the French revolution. The following pages contain a brief sketch of the history of the island during the first stages of that awful period.

States General summoned in France.

On the 27th of December, 1788, the court of France having come to the memorable determination to summon the states general of the kingdom, resolved that the representation of the commons should be equal to the sum of the representation of the other two orders.

Meetings were held, and resolutions passed declaratory of the right of the colonists to send deputies to the states general. These being elected to the number of eighteen, without any authority either from the French ministry or the colonial government embarked for France as legal representatives. About a month after the states general had declared themselves the national assembly, they arrived at Versailles; but their number being thought excessive, it was with some difficulty that six of them only were admitted to verify their powers, and assume their seat.

Society of Amis de Noirs.

A very strong prejudice against the inhabitants of the sugar islands, on account of the slavery of their negroes, prevailed at this time in France, a prejudice which was daily fomented and increased by invectives against despotism of every kind: and the public indignation was excited against the West Indian planters. This spirit of hostility produced a society, entitled Amis des Noires (Friends of the Blacks,) which circulated their protests with such extraordinary zeal and rapidity, that their measures became the topics of universal conversation. This society having secretly in view to subvert the ancient despotism of the French government, loudly called for a general and immediate abolition of the slave trade, and of the slavery which it supported.

Many of the mulattoes from St. Domingo and the other French islands, were at

this time resident in the French capital. Some had been sent in early life for education; others were men of property, and persons of intelligence. With these people, the society of Amis de Noirs, formed an intimate connexion. Their personal appearance excited pity, and, co-operating with the spirit of the times and the representations of those who deeply sympathized upon principles of humanity with their condition, all ranks of people became clamorous against the white colonists, and their total annihilation was threatened.

Declaration of rights, and its effects on St. Domingo.

On the twentieth day of August, the national assembly made their declaration of rights. One of the doctrines contained in this declaration was that "all men are born free and equal;" a doctrine which excited a general ferment among the French inhabitants of St. Domingo. The French government, apprehensive that disorders of a very alarming nature might arise, issued orders to the governor general of St. Domingo, to convene the inhabitants for the purpose of forming a legislative assembly for interior regulation. These orders, however, were anticipated. The inhabitants of the northern district had already constituted a provincial assembly at Cape Francois, and their example was followed in the western and southern provinces; to which were added parochial committees, formed to maintain more immediate communications.

The mulattoes, during this period, aware of the favourable disposition of the French nation towards them, and incited by their brethren in the metropolis, determined instantly to claim the full benefit of the privileges, which were enjoyed by the whites. Large bodies of them appeared in arms, but they were easily overpowered, and for a time prevented from the execution of their plans. It is said, that the provincial assemblies were disposed to make concessions to the mulattoes themselves; but against such of the whites as had taken any part in favour of the people of colour, the rage of the populace knew no limits. Hence M. Dubois, deputy procureur general, who had sought occasions to declaim publicly against the slavery of the negroes, was arrested by the northern assembly, but the governor interposed successfully on his be

half.

M. Ferrand de Beaudierre, a magistrate at Petit Goäve, was however more unfortunate. The parochial committee committed him to prison; whence the mob took him by force, and in spite of the magistrates and municipality put him to death.

Colonial assembly called.

An order for convoking a general colonial assembly was received in St. Domingo from the king in January 1790, and on the 8th of March, apprehensive of the island being likely to declare itself independent, the national assembly of France voted, "That it never was the intention of the assembly to comprehend the interior government of the colonies in the constitution which they had framed for the mother country, or to subject them to laws which were incompatible with their local establishments; they therefore authorize the inhabitants of each colony to signify to the National Assembly their sentiments and wishes concerning that plan of interior legislation and commercial arrangement, which would be most conducive to their prosperity. To this decree was added a declaration, "That the National Assembly would not cause any innovation to be made, directly or indirectly, in any system of commerce in which the colonies were already concerned."

This decree, it is easy to imagine, occasioned among the people of colour, and the society of Amis de Noirs, great agitation it was interpreted as a tacit sanction of the slave trade; and it was even contended, that the National Assembly, by leaving the adjustment of the colonial constitutions to the colonists themselves, had discharged them from their allegiance.

The general assembly of St. Domingo, consisting of two hundred and thirteen members, twenty-four from the city of Cape Francois, sixteen from Port-au-Prince, and eight from Aux Cayes, met, on the sixteenth of April, 1790, at St. Marc. Most of the other parishes returned two representatives each. But the provincial assemblies continued in the exercise of their self-appointed functions.

One of the first measures was to relieve the people of colour from the hardships to which they were subject under the military jurisdiction; so that in future no greater duty was to be required of them in the militia than from the whites. In the next place they proceeded to rectify some gross abuses which had prevailed in the courts of judicature, confining themselves, however, to such only as called for immediate redress, and chiefly to the great object of preparing the plan for a new system of colonial government; which employed their deliberations till the twenty-eighth of May.

New Constitution decreed-Civil War.

On the 28th of May a decree was formally issued, establishing a new constitution. Some of the articles of this consti