CHAP. XLVII. THE conduct of Dr. Priestley himself upon this occa sion, though it could not diminish the public abhorrence of such outrageous violence, by no means increased sympaThe doc thy in the sufferings of its principal object. Hastening to 1791. tor's con duct. Compari son between Priestley and Paine, London, he wrote an address to the inhabitants of Birmingham, in which, though he justly exposed the lawless disorder of the insurgents, and naturally complained of the mischiefs that they had perpetrated, yet the main scope of his letter was to attack the church, and impute the riots to its principal supporters in the vicinity. The tumultuous excesses he illogically and falsely ascribed to the badness of the cause; as if the intrinsic merits of any system could be lessened by the madness or folly of its defenders. Various addresses of condolence sent to Dr. Priestley by societies of dissenters, and other clubs, very clearly demonstrated the sanguine hopes of the writers, that the downfal of our establishments was approaching. Mr. Benjamin Cooper, secretary of the revolution society, hoped that the church which he (Mr. Benjamin Cooper) pronounced an ignorant and interested intolerance, was near its end. Dr. Priestley's reply chimed with this Mr. Benjamin Cooper's tune. The young students at Hackney college, expressed their conviction of the folly of existing establishments. Priestley's answer to their letter may be considered as a recitation of his political creed. The hierarchy (he said) equally the bane of christianity and of rational liberty, was about to fall: he exhorted these young men strenuously to use their efforts in so glorious a cause, and to show by the ardor and force of their exertions against the constituted authorities, how much more enlightened understandings, and liberal sentiments were formed by the plan and instructions of their academy, than those that were imbibed in national institutions, fettering and depressing the mind. The doctrines so earnestly inculcated by Priestley and his class of enemies to our establishments, tended to promote the success of Paine's political lessons. Priestley was more fitted for forming visionary and sophistical speculatists among men of superficial literature, whereas Paine was best qualified 6 x See Gentleman's Magazine, for November, 1791, p. 1024, and Annual Register, 1791. Appendix to Chronicle, p. 86. XLVII. 1791. extensive diffusion of ic princi for effecting a change on the vulgar and ignorant. Priest- CHAP. ley dealt chiefly in prescription; his nostrum to be applied to every case was alterative: Paine was operatical and proposed immediate incision. From Priestley proceeded such philosophers as Godwin and Holcroft, from Paine such practical reformers as Watt and Thelwall. Priestley, to use his own words, had laid the train, Paine's desire was to light the match. Republican, and even democratic principles, continued to make a rapid progress during the remainder of the year. It would be extremely unjust and illiberal to impute to unitarian dissenters indiscriminately, the principles and intentions so obvious in the heresiarch. It is however well known, that if not all, very many of that class of dissenters were at this time inimical to the British constitution of church and state. Besides the dissenters, Rapid and there were other sets of men who regarded the French "revolution as a model for imitation. From causes purely democratpolitical, without any mixture of theology, some of the ples. votaries of a change in parliament, and other departments of the state, conceived the diffusion of French principles highly favourable to their plans of reform. In the metropolis, besides men of genius and learning, well affected to the French revolution, there was another set of adventurers in literature and politics, very eager in maintaining and spreading its doctrines. If learning be not more Wide difprofound in the present than in former ages, it is cer- superficial tainly spread over a much wider surface. The commer- literature, cial opulence of the country encourages the manufacture and sale of literary commodities of every value and denomination. The demand extended to a vast variety of favourable productions, which require neither deep learning nor tionary no. vigorous genius, the number of authors multiplies in pro- tions. portion to the moderate qualifications that are necessary. All these, down to translators of German novels, and collectors of paragraphs for the daily papers, deem themselves persons of genius and erudition, and members of the republic of letters. In France, literary men possessed great direction; many of this class in England conceived, that if the same system were established here, they might rise to be directors in the new order of things. There were in the literary class, as in other bodies, persons who, from fusion of to revolu XLVII. 1791. CHAP. a benevolent enthusiasm, hoped that the French constitution would extirpate vice and misery, and diffuse over the world philanthropy and happiness. Among the literary producers, there was one set who thought the highest perfection of the human character was sensibility; and that the restraints of religious and moral precepts, as well as of political establishments, were harsh and tyrannical, because they so often contradicted the impulse of sentimental feeling; these praised the French revolution in the belief that it was inimical to austere restrictions. Under this class were to be ranked various female votaries of literaMary Ann ture, and at their head Mary Ann Wollstonecraft, whọ eraft. produced, as a counterpart to the Rights of Man, a performance entitled the Rights of Woman; vindicating to the sex an exemption from various restrictions to which women had been hitherto subjected from the tyranny and aristocracy of men; but first and principally from the restraint of chastity; and claiming the free and full indulgence of evrey gratification which fancy could suggest, or Debating passion stimulate. Besides these classes, there was a societies. great and multiplying variety of clubs for political discus Wollstone sion and debate. To these resorted many mechanics, tradesmen, and others, from a desire extremely prevalent among the lower English, of distinguishing themselves as spokesmen. By degrees, from hearing speeches and reading pamphlets, they supposed themselves politicians and philophers, and thought it incumbent on so enlightened men, to drop the prejudices of education; and sacrificed religion, patriotism, and loyalty, at the shrine of vanity. From so many causes, and through so many agents, the revolutionary doctrines were disseminated very widely. Cheap edi- To facilitate circulation, opulent votaries published cheap editions of the most inflammatory works, especially Paine's Rights of Man, which contained the essence of all the rest. tians of Tom Paine's works. But men of high rank, and of the highest ability and character, still admired the French revolution as likely to produce, when corrected by time and experience, the extension of moderate and rational liberty; and besides Dr. Priestley, a few others of eminent genius celebrated the French changes, in literary works. Of these, by far the most distinguished production that appeared in England CHAP. XLVII. and pro in favour revolution. Galliciæ. in vindication of the French revolution, was Mr. Mackintosh's answer to Mr. Burke. The obvious purpose of this learned and philosophical writer is the melioration of 1791. the condition of man; convinced that men habitually One able guided by reason, and determined by virtue, would be found work happier under small than considerable restraints, he pro- of the posed a control too feeble for the actual state of men now French existing; much more of a people whose national charac- Vindicia ter, from the old despotism, and other causes, required a greater degree of control than some of their neighbours. The erroneous conclusions of this forcible and profound writer, appear to have arisen from two sources; first he argued from a supposition of an attainable perfection in the human character instead of an accurate estimate of the degree of perfection which it had actually attained. Secondly, he appears to have been misinformed concerning the principles, spirit and character of the French revolutionists. of the duke Bess of GREAT and important as the progressions of public Marriage opinions were in 1791, to arrest the attention of the philo- of York to sophical observer, the actual events in England to employ the printhe pen of the annalist, were not numerous. His high- Prussia. ness the duke of York, in the close of the year 1791, married the eldest princess of Prussia, between whom and the English prince a mutual affection had subsisted ever since the royal youth's residence at the court of Berlin. The arrival of the fair stranger, the many festivities that ensued on so auspicious an occasion, and the appearance of the new married couple in public, agreeably relieved the political discussions which had long absorbed the attention of the public. CHAP. XLVIII. Meeting of parliament.-Opposition censure the conduct of ministry respecting Russia.-Incidental but interesting debates about the French revolution.-Real difference between messrs. Burke and Fox.-Motion of Mr. Whitbread respecting the riots at Birmingham.-Petition of the unitarian dissenters-rejected.-Multiplication of political clubs.-Society of the friends of the people— rank, character and property of the members.-Mr. Grey. The earl of Lauderdale.-Address of the society to the people of Great Britain.-Intention good, but tendency dangerous.-Mr. Pitt opposes this engine of change.-Rise and progress of corresponding societies. -Second part of Thomas Faine's Rights of Man.Ferment among the populace.The lower classes become politicians and statesmen.-Proclamation against seditious writings-discussed in parliament.-Schism among the members of opposition.-The heir apparent testifies his zeal for supporting the British constitution. -General satisfaction from the manifestation of the prince's sentiments.-Bill for the amendment of the London police.-Humane and discriminate propositions of lord Rawdon for the relief of debtors and benefit of creditors.-Abolition of the slave trade is carried in the the house of commons. Subject discussed in the house of lords-Duke of Clarence opposes the abolition-His highness exhibits a masterly view of the various arguments. The question postponed.-State of the crown lands-especially forests.—Mr. Pitt's bill for enclosing parts of the New Forest-disapproved-rejected by the peers. Mr. Dundas's bill for facilitating the payment of wages aud prize money to sailors-passed.-Finances.-Prosperous state of commerce and revenue.-Prospect of farther reducing the debt, and diminishing the taxes. Flourishing state of India finances.-Political state and transactions in India.-Beneficial effects of B |