in him by electing him a colonel of militia before he was nineteen years old. This was the first office he ever held. The next year he was chosen a brigadier-general of militia.

Mr. Brown was scarcely twenty years of age when he applied for admission to the bar, and the writer has heard him speak of his extreme anxiety, lest the usual question (where there can be any doubt)-" are you twenty-one?" should be propounded. This was the only question to which he could not have given a satisfactory answer, and by singular good fortune (for him) it was not asked.

His

He began the practice of his profession in the autumn of 1833, and succeeded at once. He took rank with the oldest and most distinguished professional gentlemen at the bar where he practised. business steadily and rapidly increased to 1839, when he withdrew from the profession to accept a seat in Congress, in the enjoyment of the fullest and most lucrative practice, being professionally employed in nearly five hundred causes during the year in which he retired from the bar.

In October, 1835, Mr. Brown (or General Brown, by which title he was then better known) was married to Elizabeth Frances Taliaferro, a Virginia lady of accomplishments, of great personal worth, and of excellent family. She survived the marriage only about five months. Her family have subsequently been among the most steadfast of General Brown's numerous friends and supporters.

In this year, 1835, began the political career of General Brown. At the November election, he was chosen a representative to the State Legislature, to fill the first vacancy occurring after he was twenty-one years old. It was an interesting period in the legislation of Mississippi, and there was great competition for the seats. In 1835, Copiah, the county of Mr. Brown's residence, was entitled to three representatives, and he was one of nine candidates, nearly all Democrats, or, as they were called, "Jackson men." Great pains were taken to defeat him, as the aspiring and ambitious thought he would be in their way on future occasions. Some maintained that he was too young, but the great bulk of the opposition rested upon an alleged unsoundness in his political views. For this charge there was no better foundation than that General Brown's father was a Whig, or, as he was not ashamed to call himself, a Federalist of the old school. The election transpired, and General Brown was successful, being the second successful candidate, and leading his next highest competitor about seventy-five votes. His representative duties were discharged with marked fidelity, and so entirely to the satisfaction of his constituents, that at the next election he was returned without a struggle, the opposition being only nominal. He took an active and leading part in the debates, and in all the business of legislation; and before the expiration of his first term, the speakership having been vacated by the indisposition of the presiding officer of the house, he was chosen speaker pro tem., by acclamation. It is to be

regretted that the debates in the Legislature of Mississippi at that period were not preserved, as they were intrinsically valuable, and, if now in existence, would throw a flood of light on the political history of the state. A record of these debates would exhibit, in relief, admirable and bold, the political forecast of General Brown. Though almost the youngest member of the house, he counselled his more aged. compeers in many an earnest speech against that system of banking which has since rendered the financial policy of Mississippi so remarkable throughout the world.

General Brown took his seat in the Legislature under his second election in January, 1838. The banking system had already given way, and was tottering to its fall. Just then, Governor Lynch, the first and last Whig governor of Mississippi, recommended the Legislature "to express its opinion on the subject of a National Bank," and entered himself into an elaborate argument in favor of that institution. This recommendation was referred to a committee, of which General Brown was chairman, and his report contains many strong views in opposition to the bank, both on the ground of unconstitutionality and of its inexpediency. We have only room for one or two short extracts, as follows:

"Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the court, in the celebrated case of McCullough against the state of Maryland, lays down the principle in broad terms, That when the law is not prohibited, and is intended to carry into effect any power intrusted to the government, Congress is to be the exclusive judge of the degree of its necessity.' Suppose this to be the settled doctrine upon this subject, the abolition of slavery is not expressly prohibited in the District of Columbia, nor any of the states where it exists, and among the enumerated powers of the general government, is one authorizing it to provide for the common defence and general welfare. Suppose then that the Abolitionists of the North, whose strength, disguise it as you will, is increasing with frightful rapidity, should, under this rule of construction adopted by jurists, and sanctioned by politicians, insist that in all cases it was their duty to provide for the general welfare,' in obedience to the power given them, and that to carry into effect this specific grant of power, if it was 'necessary' to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and the states where it exists-we ask, whether it might not be competent for them to do so, or how this case is distinguished from the one immediately under consideration, to wit, the power to charter a National Bank, because it is a measure 'necessary' for the general welfare;' and if the Supreme Court thought it incompetent for them to inquire into the degree of necessity involved in the first case, could they undertake to make the inquiry in the latter? We think not. Again, suppose the nation, in the present enfeebled state of its treasury, be suddenly involved in a conflict with Great Britain, or some other foreign power, Congress is called upon to furnish money to carry on the war; this she refuses to do, by levying a direct tax which shall bear equally upon all portions of the United States, but incorporates a company, and invests them with exclusive power to navigate the Mississippi river for fifty years, in consideration that the company will pay the Government a bonus of twenty-five millions of money. The power to have such action on the part of the general government is well questioned; it is not, however, expressly prohibited, and Congress asserts that it is necessary' in providing for the common defence and general welfare' to charter said company, and invest them

with such powers, for the consideration of the twenty-five million bonus; and the Supreme Court, if appealed to, says, Congress is to be the judge of the necessity, and we will not interfere.

"We ask if such rules of construction, with such arguments to sustain them, may not, indeed if they are not likely to lead to the most disastrous consequences-consequences portentous of great evil to the rights of the states, and threatening at once the stability of our excellent forms of government? Your committee are of opinion, that this clause of the Constitution furnishes no warrant for the establishment of a National Bank."

The report continued with various other views of the constitutional question, chiefly in answer to the arguments urged by the friends of the bank. It set forth many and strong arguments against the expediency of the bank, and concluded as follows:

"If, then, it does not render the labor of the citizens more valuable, we are at a loss to discern the great advantages which the working man is to derive from its creation. But we are satisfied of its effects, when the redundancy of paper money which it circulates has swelled in a twofold relation the value of every horse, plough, harrow, and other articles of husbandry or family consumption which the laborer buys. Then we find it is an institution which, instead of lightening the poor man's toils, in fact levies a heavy contribution upon the wages of his industry. It is an institution which makes the weak weaker, and the potent more powerful; ever filching from the poor man's hand to replenish the rich man's purse. Your committee have mistaken the duties of legislators, if it is their province to guard over the peculiar interest of the speculator and gambler, who live by the patronage of banks, to the detriment and ruin of the honest yeomen, whose toils have raised our happy republic from a few dependent colonies, to the highest pinnacle of national fame, causing Indian wigwams to give place to splendid cities, and the whole wilderness to bloom and blossom as the rose. It is well said that the laborer is worthy of his hire;' and the illustrious Burke never uttered a sentiment which better deserved to be embalmed in the hearts of freemen, than that the workingman should feel the wages of his labor in his pocket, and hear it jingle.

"In conclusion, we recommend, as an expression of this body on the subject of a National Bank, the adoption of the following resolutions:

"1. Resolved, That the government of the United States has no constitutional right to charter a National Bank.

"2. Resolved, That it is inexpedient and improper to charter such an institution at this time, even if Congress had the constitutional right to do so."

This report elicited the warmest commendation on the part of the anti-bank press and party, whilst all the bank interests assailed it with denunciation, attempts at ridicule, and occasionally with something like argument. It was extensively published at the time, and is believed to have had a salutary influence in awakening public inquiry on the subject in Mississippi.

In the fall of the same year (1838), General Brown being absent from the state, the bank party took advantage of a general panic in the public mind, growing out of the existing pecuniary embarrassments in Mississippi, to get up written instructions requiring him to vote for a bank United States Senator, or resign. He chose the latter alternative. Although, in a moment of panic, seven hundred and fifty out of

nine hundred voters had signed these instructions, General Brown did not hesitate to present himself as a candidate to fill the vacancy occasioned by his own resignation. He issued a short address, from which we present an extract.

"To stand in the way of a free disposition of the elective franchise by the people, in the selection of their representatives, I should conceive the greatest moral and political disgrace which could befall a republican citizen. I am a Democrat in practice as in principle, and it is one of the first articles in the Koran of that political sect, that the people should be represented by whom they will. If my services are no longer desired, I should cease to feel contented in the seat which has been assigned me by your preference. And whenever you shall determine at the ballot-box to dismiss me from your service, I shall retire with a sense of pleasure, equalled only by the satisfaction which I experienced in entering upon it, and surpassed only by the gladness which I now feel, in having performed at all times as I best could the trusts confided to my care. I have a right to ask, in abdicating my seat in the legislature, that the articles of my condemnation may not be signed and sealed by the people, and handed over to be ratified, confirmed, and executed by my political enemies, before I am heard in my own defence. All I ask, is a free conference with the people. Come set ye down, and let us reason together."

He at once entered upon a close and searching canvass of the county. The result was, his triumphal return to the Legislature by a majority of one hundred and fifty odd votes over his bank competitor. The opposition was confounded. They had counted on success as a matter of course. The anti-bank friends of General Brown in his own county, and throughout the state, were of course greatly elated at this signal triumph. The Democratic State Convention assembled soon after, and although not then twenty-five years old, he was unanimously nominated for Congress. The chances for success were anything but flattering. The Whigs had swept the state at the election previous, and the bank interest in Mississippi was in the zenith of its power. Not dismayed by these unfavorable circumstances, he entered at once upon an active and vigorous canvass of the whole state; and before the election in November, 1839, he and his colleague, Mr. Jacob Thompson, had thoroughly canvassed every nook and corner of the state. Though met at every step by the most unscrupulous opposition; assailed with vituperation and slander-with denunciation, personal and political, General Brown and his colleague moved steadily forward, calling the people together, challenging their opponents to meet them in debate, and carrying conviction to the mind of their auditors. The result did ample justice to their zeal and fidelity. The state was redeemed; bank thraldom was ended. The whole Democratic ticket was elected by an average majority of three thousand; General Brown leading the Congressional ticket by several hundred votes.

He took his seat in the United States House of Representatives, December, 1839, being then a little over twenty-five years of age. His speeches while in that position compare favorably with those generally

made in the lower House of Congress. He entered boldly into the defence of the Independent Treasury, and the other leading measures of the administration. His opposition to the bank, and to Whig measures generally, was maintained with his accustomed zeal and ability. If we had space, we should like to make extracts from these speeches, and especially from one in which the policy of the administration in power at that time is defended and whiggery reviewed. To those desirous of seeing with how much zeal and ability General Brown defended his favorite measures at that term, we commend this speech. It concludes with a glowing tribute to the moral and intellectual worth of Mr. Calhoun, a perusal of which cannot be otherwise than gratifying to the numerous friends of that distinguished statesman and patriot.

After the adjournment of Congress in 1840, General Brown went home, and entered immediately, and with singular activity, into the presidential canvass. He traversed the state, defending Mr. Van Buren, as the regular nominee, against the growing distrust of his people, and appealing to them to stand by the measures of his administration. Many of his speeches at this time were remarkable specimens of stump oratory; and though they failed to carry the state under the weight of Mr. Van Buren's name, they did not fail to add greatly to General Brown's character as a speaker.

On the 12th of January, 1841, General Brown was a second time married. The lady, Miss Roberta E. Young, the youngest daughter of the late General Robert Young, of Alexandria, Va., had been known in society at Washington as one of the most fascinating and intelligent ladies of the gay metropolis. She has directed with great dignity and propriety the domestic affairs of her husband's household, and especially during his gubernatorial term. She is the mother of two sons.

At the close of his term in 1841, General Brown was again put in nomination by his party friends. But having taken upon himself the cares of a family, and finding his pecuniary interests seriously involved from long neglect, he was constrained to decline. This he did, in the full confidence that his party, though temporarily defeated, were sure to rise at another election. He was not disappointed. The Democrats of Mississippi, at the November election, 1841, nobly redeemed their state. At this election General Brown consented to stand a poll for a judgeship of the Circuit Court; and it is among the remarkable evidences of his singular popularity, that he was voted for by men of every shade of opinion-political, social, and religious. He was barely eligible to the office on account of his youth; but he was elected, beating his able and distinguished competitor, Judge Willis, the former incumbent of the same office, nearly three votes to one. He served in this position nearly two years, when he accepted a nomination from his political friends for governor, and thereupon resigned. Judge Willis was chosen his successor. Judge Brown entered the canvass for the governorship early in the