United American States, Bat he wa chosen by a majority of three, votes only above the number that voted for Mr. Jefferson, who was at the head of the French party:* a circumstance which we mention as strictly connected with our present subject; inasmuch as it shews the opposition encountered and surmounted in his restoring and cementing, by a treaty, an amicable and commercial intercourse. between Great Britain and North America. That treaty was ratified only by the President's casting votes.

General Washington in September (1796) published a little piece,, entitled A Letter to the People of the United States of America, from General Washington, on his Resignation of the Office of President of the United States.' This letter, written by the father and saviour of his country to his countrymen, on an occasion when his heart was warm and open, and the tenor and grand object of his life, in his full recollection, paints the man in juster and livelier colours than any thing we can record. He begs the people of the United States to be assured that his resolution to resign the Presidency had not been taken without a strict regard appertaining to the clations which bind a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in his situation might imply, he was influenced by no diminution of zeal for their future interest; no deficiency of zeal for their past kindness; but was supported by a full conviction that the step was compatible with both. Having mentioned the motives that induced him to accept and continue in the high office to which their suffrages had twice called him, and those also which had urged him to lay it down, he says, In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public, life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me: still more for the sted.. fast confidence with whish it has supported me; and for the oppor tunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attach

The state of the votes for the different candidates was thus---Votes for John Adams 71, Thomas Jefferson 68, Thomas Pinckney 59, Aaron Burr 30, Samuel Adams 15, Oliver Elsworth 11, George Clinton 7, John Jay 5, Jeremiahi Tredell 3, George Washington 2, John Henry 2. Samuel Johnson 2, and C., C. Pinckney 1. Mr. Jefferson, who had the next highest number of votes, was of course, according to the Constitution, elected Vice-President. These elections were, according to the Consutution, (for this may not be recollected by all of our readers) only for the period of four years.

ment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resu'ted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions; agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy-of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incite. ment to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of Liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.'

What follows, until he comes near the conclusion of the letter, exhibits the moral and wise politician rather than the man, except, indeed, in as far as the characters of men may be said to be connected with their opinions; yet we cannot wholly pass it by without notice. He recommends the love of liberty; the unity of government to which they were powerfully invited and urged by every inducement of sympathy and interest; guards them against the causes by which this union may be disturbed; all obstructions to the execution of the

laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, controul, and counteract or ave regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities; the spirit of party; and all encroachments of one department of government on another. What he says on the subject of morality and religion deserves particular attention. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are in, dispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connection with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the suppo sition, that national morality can subsist without religion. What ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of a peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid, us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.'

The legislator and patriot proceeds to warn his countrymen against inveterate antipathies against particular nations. On this subject he makes these remarkable observations, of which many will, no doubt, make, at the present moment, particular applications. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the go vernment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government'sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives, The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has been the victim. On this point of an equal and just regard for all nations, and, on the other hand, on the insidious wiles of Foreign influence, General Washington descants at a greater length than on any of the other topics on which he touches, and, if possible, with greater earnestness. It is not difficult, from hence, to conjecture what was at the time the principal object of his solicitude-Foreign influence, particularly that of the French republic.

Yet, while he guards against unreasonable antipathies and sympa

thies, a strict maintenance of public credit, and of good faith and justice towards all nations, is manifested.

The great rule of conduct,' says he, for us, in regard to Foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. There let us stop.'

The General himself, it is universally known, in the discharge of his official duties was uniformly guided by the principles he recom mends to the people of the United States. He was well satisfied that they had a right to take, (notwithstanding all the arguments of the French, from treaties and obligations conferred by France) and were bound in duty and interest to maintain a neutral position.

The illustrious ex-president, in the conclusion of his latter years, descends from the station and the tone of a legislator, adviser, and instructor, and gives way to his personal feelings, as an individual connected with those whom he addresses by many important and endearing ties..

Though in reviewing the incidents of Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors... Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenito:s for several generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers."

The world has had many political testaments, some real, some counterfeit: none that breathes such pure morality, such sublime and sound policy, as the addresses and the example of General WashingSupplement.

ton. The style of his paternal letters and speeches, exhorting his countrymen to preserve union among themselves, and peace; good faith, and sincere good will towards all nations, as well as the senti¬ ments-shining forth with mild radiance, not in fiery flame, were contrasted with Mr. Burke's passionate persuasive to war with our neighbours: in which persuasive: there were also, amidst the brightest splendour of learning, genius, and eloquence, not a few sparks tending to kindle a flame of internal disunion and discord. How much to be preferred is sound sense, simplicity, and sincerity of -intention, self command and moderation of temper, to the most shining talents and accomplishments, without them! Who can imagine that the affairs of America could have been brought to a prosperous issue by such accomplished but ardent minds as Burke or Bolingbroke? Yet, though we cannot rank General Washington among such literary geniuses, he was not deficient, but greatly above pary in the most useful kinds of knowledge, and also in the art of writing His thoughts are clearly arranged; he manages with great skill the march of his hearer's or reader's sentiments and spirits; his language is per fectly grammatical and pure, and altogether free from that provincial slang, and cockney or metropolitan barbarism, which, issuing from the House of Commons and newspapers, has adulterated the English tongue; and threatens, in its progress, to render if to future ages unintelligible. A like observation may be extended to the writings of Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and other American writers.

*

The celebrated: Mr. Hume was wont to call Dr. Franklin the first fruits of America.' This honour of primogeniture is, perhaps, more justly due to General Washington, who was never out of Ames rica, than to Dr. Franklin, who was often, and lived a good deal inf Eugland. Whatever may be thought on this point, the American revolution has given elasticity and energy to the minds of the inliad bitants, has called forth talents and abilities of every" kind,”and als ready produced no inconsiderable harvest. A Copley and a West have obtained the honours of the pencil: Dwight, Barlow, and Trumbull have displayed a genuine vein of poetry; Belknap and Ramsay not avlittle power in historical composition; Jefferson has excelled in philosophical researches and Mr. Adams, in his dif ferent pieces, written or spoken, particularly in his Defence of the" Constitution and Government of America, discovers a truly masculine ngtries A istune

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Dr. Franklin once made the tour of all England; and as far as Edinburgh, Stirling, and Glasgow, in Scotland.