the first step toward which was to interdict the Reformers of Paris from meeting to worship within the walls of the capital-a deprivation partly justifiable under the circumstances. The mutual jealousy of the triumvirs prevented the exercise of any harsh measures toward Catherine: each intrigued against the other, and hoped to make use of her for his own private ends. Each was aware that if she were removed, his own position would be imperiled by the rival ambitions of his colleagues.

CHAPTER VI.

FIRST RELIGIOUS WAR.

[1562-1563.]

Beginning of Reaction-Causes of the War-The Huguenots arm-Advice of Coligny's Wife-Covenant of Association-Massacre at Sens and Sisteron-Discipline of the Armies-Catherine attempts to mediate-Conference at Thoury-Negotiations broken off-Fearful state of Paris-The Constable's violence-Appeals to Foreign Sympathy-Successes of the Royalists-Atrocities at Blois and Tours-Rouen Besieged-The Breach stormed-The Hour of Vengeance-Pastor Marlorat hanged-Death of Anthony of Navarre-Disturbances in Normandy-Offer of AmnestyBattle of Dreux-Condé and Montmorency captured-St. André killedSiege of Orleans-Duke of Guise murdered-Poltrot de Méré-Pacification of Amboise-Distress caused by the War-Death of Coligny's Son -Letter to his Wife.

ALL great efforts are followed by a reaction. We have seen how Protestantism had been spreading over France during the last forty years, the attempts to crush it serving but to give it greater vitality. We are now approaching a period of counter-revolution; the tide of reform has reached its flood and will soon begin to ebb, slowly, irregularly, but certainly, so that at last we entirely lose sight of religion in the political struggle that ensued.

Attempts have been made to fix upon the Huguenots the terrible responsibility of beginning the civil strife. It is easy to prove this, or any other historical untruth, by a skillful manipulation of documents; but the evidence of eye-witnesses of, and actors in, the events of the spring of 1,562, points to the opposite conclusions. La Noue, who was present at Meaux, positively affirms that there was no plan or previous arrange"Most of the nobility," he says, " hearing of the slaughter at Vassy, partly of a voluntary good-will, and partly for

ment.

fear, determined to draw toward Paris, imagining that their protectors might stand in some need of them.” * And that there was good ground for this fear appears certain from a contemporary letter, in which the writer says: “Every thing is in such confusion at court that, if God does not lend a helping hand, I fear that in less than ten days you will have news of the prettiest (plus beau) massacre that ever was."

Is it wonderful if in such a state of things the Protestant gentry thought it necessary to take counsel together? Of their deliberations we know nothing, but the result was a resolution to take up arms. Coligny alone appears to have held back, and without his countenance and support the chances of success were very small. There is a story told of him, which we could hope to be true, though it is at variance with certain known facts. He had long kept aloof, notwithstanding the entreaties of his brothers Andelot and the Cardinal of Chatillon that he would take the field; and when his wife added her entreaties to theirs, he drew a terrible picture of civil war and the possible fate of herself and their children, and begged her take three weeks to weigh the matter deliberately in her mind. "The three weeks are already past," replied the heroic dame; "you will never be conquered by the virtue of your enemies; employ your own, and do not take upon your head the murders of three weeks.", He hesitated no longer, and the next day set off to join Condé at Meaux, where the Huguenot gentlemen held rendezvous. That prince had already committed himself too far not to see that none but the boldest measures could save him: "It is all over," he said; "we have plunged in so deep that we must either drink or drown."

The confederate, knowing how greatly success depended

*La Noue: Politicke Discourses, Lond. 1587. This translation preserves much of the spirit of the original French.

Luillier to Lymoges, 20th April, 1562. Paris: Cabinet Historique, ii. p. 291.

upon prompt action, spent but few moments in deliberation. Their first step must be to secure some strong town, in which they could make a safe stand until reinforcements arrived. For obvious strategical and political reasons they selected Orleans, and thitherward, to the number of two thousand, they turned their horses' heads. As the delay of even a few minutes might be dangerous, they rode on like a fierce whirlwind, not stopping to pick up any one who fell on the road. Once in Orleans, which they entered on the 2d April, 1562, they sent secret orders to their co-religionists all over France, and their first measures were crowned with success. Almost on the same day the Huguenots made themselves masters of Havre, Rouen, Caen, and Dieppe in Normandy; Blois, Tours, and Angers on the Loire; Poitiers and Rochelle in Poitou; Chalons and Troyes in Champagne; Macon in Burgundy; Gap and Grenoble in Dauphiny; and Nismes, Montpellier, Béziers, and Montauban in Languedoc; as well as a large number of castles in the north, west, and south, with the Cevennes district between Lyons and Toulouse.

From all these quarters the best gentlemen in France rallied round Condé in defense of the rights of their body and the princes of the blood-royal against the usurpation and violence of the Guises, who were foreigners. Many of them were related to Condé: the three Chatillons were the uncles of his wife; Prince Porcien the husband of his neice; La Rochefoucault had married his sister-in-law. Viscount Rohan represented the nobles of Dauphiny, Andelot the Pays de France; the Count of Grammont led the Gascons; Montgomery the Normans; and Genlis the sober and industrious Picards. Their first step was to sign a Covenant of Association, binding them to spend their goods and their lives in restoring the king to liberty, and procuring freedom of worship to all Frenchmen. They necessarily made Condé their leader, and then sent off letters (7th May) to all the churches, desiring them "in God's name" to furnish both men and money. "We have taken up arms," said the confederates, “that we

may deliver the King and Queen from the hands of their enemies, and secure the full execution of the Edict of January.” Condé also thought it his duty to dispatch a messenger to the queen-mother, with an explanation of the motives which had driven him to such extreme measures. Catherine would not commit herself to a written answer, but desired the Baron de la Garde to tell the Prince, "that she would never forget what he might do for the king her son."

an

The Catholics, if less prompt, were not less vigorous in their proceedings. In 1561 the citizens of Paris had been disarmed as a measure of precaution; now every member of the " cient Catholic religion," capable of bearing arms, was ordered ⚫ to procure them and attend drill.* By this means fifteen corps of infantry, amounting to the almost incredible number† of 30,000 men (others say 24,000), were placed at the disposal of the Triumvirate for the protection of the capital. By another order, issued by Marshal Brissac, who had succeeded Montmorency as governor, all persons, "notoriously famed as being of the new religion," were ordered to leave the city within twenty-four hours, or they would be hanged; as for such as were "suspected" only, they were required to get a certificate of confession. The populace did not fail to take advantage of the opportunity thus placed within their reach, by informing against those whom, from any personal or other motive, they

* In spite of the disarming edicts, the arms had not been given up, the Huguenots retaining theirs in some districts. Accordingly, on 28th April, 1562, the king wrote to De la Mothe Gondrin, ordering the arms to be restored to the Catholics, " pour leur sûreté et conservation, leur défendant néanmoins très-expressement, de par moy, de n'en mal user, et de n'entreprendre aucune chose de mauvais, sous peine d'être punis et châtiés exemplairement." Ordinances and letters of Charles IX. in Archives of Lyons. †This statement, if correct, must be the number on paper merely, and even then it would be one in four of the whole population of Paris.

From the Enqueste sur la Profession religieuse de noble homme Jehan de Montruillon, 1570, it would appear, that the certificate required to be signed by the parish priest and his curate, the church-wardens and sexton, the district judges and others. It states that the bearer attends mass and confession, that he is married, and that his children were christened in the parish church.