BOOK SECOND.

1765. It is difficult to describe the effervescence excited in America, by the news that the stamp act had been adopted in parliament.

The minister, Grenville, knowing how odious it was to the Americans, and foreseeing the tumults it might cause, had endeavored to mitigate its severity, by strictly avoiding to employ, as collectors of the duty, any individuals born in England; but this precaution proved ineffectual to abate, in the least, the tempest of indignation with which it was received.

The American gazettes began to be filled with complaints of lost liberty; the most influential citizens declared openly, that this was a manifest violation of their rights, which proceeded from no transient error of the English government, but from a deliberate design to reduce the colonies to slavery; "This,' they exclaimed, 'is but the commencement of a system of the most detestable tyranny.'

Such as opposed the schemes attributed to the government either to contract a stricter union by a common name, or to render themselves more agreeable to the people, alluding to the words of colonel Barre in his speech before parliament, assumed the specious title of sons of liberty. They bound themselves mutually, among other things, to march at their own expense to any part of the continent, where it should be necessary to maintain the English constitution in America, and to use all their efforts to prevent the execution of the stamp act.

A committee of correspondence was organized, to address circular letters to the principal inhabitants of the country; exhorting them to adopt the same principles and the same resolutions. These measures gave a powerful activity to the opposition, and to the tumults which soon followed. The people were prepared for insurrection, the moment an occasion, or a signal, should be given them.

The Virginians, again at this time, were the first to give it. The 29th of May, 1765, the house of burgesses of Virginia, upon the motion of George Johnson and Patrick Henry, came to the following resolutions:

Whereas the honorable house of commons in England, have of late drawn into question, how far the general assembly of this colony hath power to enact laws for laying taxes and imposing duties, payable by the people of this his majesty's most ancient colony; for settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, the house of

burgesses of this present general assembly, have come to the several following resolutions.

'That the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his majesty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great Britain. That by the two royal charters granted by James I., the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all privileges of faithful, liege and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England.

'That his majesty's liege people of this his most ancient colony, have enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own assembly, in the article of taxes and internal police, and that the same have never been forfeited, or any other way yielded up, but have been constantly recognized by the king and people of Great Britain. "That consequently the general assembly of this colony, together with his majesty, or his substitute, have in their representative capacity the only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony; that every attempt to vest such a power in any person or persons whatsoever other than the general assembly aforesaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and has a manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as American freedo.... That his majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatsoever, designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws and ordinances of this general assembly. That any person who shall by speaking or writing, maintain that any person or persons, other than the general assembly of this colony, have any right or power to impose or lay any taxation whatsoever upon this people, shall be deemed an enemy to this his majesty's colony.'

These resolutions were passed on this day, by an immense majority; but the day following, the assembly being more full, as many of the older and more prudent citizens attended, the subject was reconsidered; and by their influence and representations, the last two articles were retrenched. M. Fauquier, the lieutenant-governor, being informed of these debates, dissolved the assembly; but this measure had little success, for when the new elections took place, those who did not assent to the resolutions were excluded, and all those who did were re-elected. Meanwhile, the resolutions circulated from hand to hand, not as they had been modified, but in their original form.

The members of the confederacy, called the sons of liberty, were

especially active in communicating them from one to another, and in a short time they were dispersed every where, and every where perused and reperused with equal avidity and enthusiasm.

But in New England, and particularly in the province of Massachusetts, the warm advocates of American privileges were not content with these marks of approbation, but to propagate them the more rapidly among all classes of people, caused them to be printed in the public journals, which was the principal occasion of the tumults that shortly ensued.

Very early on Wednesday morning, the 14th of August, and it is believed at the instigation of John Avery, Thomas Crafts, John Smith, Henry Welles, Thomas Chase, Stephen Cleverling, Henry Bass, and Benjamin Edes, all individuals extremely opposed to the pretensions of England, and zealous partisans of innovation, two effigies were discovered hanging on a branch of an old elm, near the southern entrance of Boston, one of which, according to the label that was attached to it, represented a stamp officer, the other a jackboot, out of which rose a horned head, which appeared to look around. This spectacle attracted the curious multitude, not only from the city, but as the rumor spread, from all the adjacent country.

As the crowd increased, their minds, already but too much heated, were inspired with a spirit of enthusiasm by this strange exhibition, and the day was immediately devoted to recreation. About dusk, the images were detached from the tree, placed on a bier, and carried in procession with great solemnity. The people followed, stamping, and shouting from all quarters, 'Liberty and property foreverno stamp.' Having passed through the town house, they proceeded with their pageantry down King street, and into Kilby street; when arrived in front of a house owned by one Oliver, which they supposed was designed for a stamp office, they halted, and without further ceremony, demolished it to the foundation. Bearing off, as it were in triumph, the wood of the ruined house, with continually increasing shouts and tumult, they proceeded to the dwelling of Oliver himself, and there having beheaded his effigy, broke all his windows in an instant. Continuing to support the two figures in procession, they ascended to the summit of Fort hill, where, kindling with their trophies a bonfire, they burnt one of them, amidst peals of universal acclamation. Not satisfied with this, the populace returned to the house of Oliver, with clubs and staves; the garden, fences, and all the dependencies of the edifice were destroyed. Oliver had fled, to avoid the popular fury, leaving only a few friends to use their discretion, for the prevention of further damage. But

some imprudent words of theirs having exasperated the rage of the multitude, they broke open the doors, entered the lower part of the house, and destroyed the furniture of every description. At midnight they disbanded. The next day, Oliver, finding himself thus the object of public detestation, and apprehensive of a second visit, notified the principal citizens that he had written to England, requesting the liberty of being excused from the office of distributor of stamps. In the evening, the people re-assembled, erected a pyramid, intending another bonfire, but upon hearing of Oliver's resignation, they desisted, and repaired to the front of his house, gave three cheers, and took their departure without damage.

Meanwhile, a rumor having got abroad, that Hutchinson, the lieutenant-governor, had written to England in favor of the stamp duties, the multitude immediately repaired to his house, and could not be persuaded to retire till they were assured, that this gentleman had even written to dissuade from the bill. Upon which their cries of rage were followed by shouts of acclamation; they kindled a bonfire, and quietly returned to their respective habitations. But far more serious were the disorders of the 26th of the same month. Some boys were playing around a fire they had kindled in King street; the fire ward coming to extinguish it, he was whispered, by a person unknown, to desist, which he not regarding, received a blow on his arm, and such other marks of displeasure, as obliged him to withdraw. Meanwhile, a particular whistle was heard from several quarters, which was followed by innumerable cries of Sirrah! Sirrah! At this signal advanced a long train of persons disguised, armed with clubs and bludgeons, who proceeded to invest the house of Paxton, marshal of the court of admiralty, and superintendent of the port, who had time to escape; and, at the invitation of the steward,* the assailants accompanied him to the tavern, were pacified, and the house was spared. But their repeated libations having renewed their frenzy, they sallied forth, and assaulted the house of William Story, register of the vice-admiralty, opposite the court-house, the lower part of which, being his office, they broke open, seized and committed to the flames the files and public records of that court, and then destroyed the furniture of the house. Nor did the riot end here. The mob, continually increasing in numbers and intoxication, stimulated by the havoc already committed, rushed onwards to the house of Benjamin Hallowell, collector of the customs, the furniture of which they soon destroyed. They renewed their potations, in the cellar; and what they were unable to drink, they wast

* Paxton was only a tenant; the owner of the house, T. Palmer, Esq., gave the entertainment.

ed; they searched every corner, and carried off about thirty pounds sterling in money. They are joined by fresh bands. In a state bordering on madness, they proceed to the residence of Hutchinson, the lieutenant-governor, about ten o'clock at night; they invest it, and employ every means to enter it by violence. After having sent his children, as yet of tender age, to a place of safety, he barricaded his doors and windows, and seemed determined to remain; but, unable to resist the fury of the assailants, he was constrained to quit the place, and take refuge in another house, where he remained concealed till four in the morning. Meantime, his mansion, perhaps the most magnificent and the best furnished house in the colony, was devoted to ruin and pillage. The plate, the pictures, the furniture of every kind, even to the apparel of the governor, were carried off, besides nine hundred pounds sterling in specie. Not content with this, they dispersed or destroyed all the manuscripts which the governor had been thirty years in collecting, as well as papers, relating to the public service, deposited in his house; an immense and irreparable loss.

It appears that Hutchinson had become the object of a hatred so universal, because he was accused of having been accessory in laying on the stamp duties; which imputation, however, was absolutely false; for it is ascertained, on the contrary, that he had always opposed that measure, in his letters to the government. Hence it is seen how erroneous are often popular opinions; and that those who govern should propose to themselves a nobler object, in the performance of their duty, than that of pleasing the multitude, who are more often found to fawn upon their oppressors, than to applaud their benefactors.

The next morning was the time for holding the assize and the su preme court of judicature. Hutchinson, who was its president, was obliged to appear on the bench in the dress of a private citizen, while the other judges, and the gentlemen of the bar, were in their respective robes. This contrast was observed with grief and pity by the spectators. The court, to evince with what indignation they received the affront they had sustained in the person of their president, and how much they detested the scenes of anarchy which the preceding day had witnessed, resolved to abstain from all exercise of their functions, and adjourned to the 15th of October.

Some individuals who had been apprehended, refusing to de nounce the authors of the tumult, were committed to prison; but one of them effected his escape, and the rest were released soon after; for it was seen distinctly, that the people were not disposed to tolerate any further proceedings against the delinquents.