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modern Analytical Jurists, Bentham and Austin, has been to recover from its hiding-place the force which gives its sanction to law. They had to show that it had not disappeared and could not disappear; but that it was only latent because it had been transformed into law-abiding habit. Even now their assertion, that it is everywhere present where there are Courts of Justice administering law, has to many the idea of a paradox-which it loses, I think, when their analysis is aided by history.

The primary distinction between the early and rude, and the modern and refined, classifications of legal rules, is that the Rules relating to Actions, to pleading and procedure, fall into a subordinate place and become, as Bentham called them, Adjective Law. So far as this the Roman Institutional writers had advanced, since they put the Law of Actions into the third and last compartment of their system. Nobody should know better than an Englishman that this is not an arrangement which easily and spontaneously suggests itself to the mind. So great is the ascendency of the Law of Actions in the infancy of Courts of Justice, that substantive law has at first the look of being gradually secreted in the interstices of procedure; and the early lawyer can only see the law through the envelope of its technical forms. It would even seem that civilised societies experience reversions towards this condition of thought. There are men

still alive who recollect that the tendency towards active law-reform which was part of the great movement associated with the Reform Act of 1832, first showed itself in an energetic resuscitation of strictness in pleading, so that for many years the practical questions at issue were altogether thrown into obscurity by questions of the proper mode of stating them to the Courts. It was the very state of things which existed when the ancient Hundred Courts of the Germans were administering the rude Salic law. The effects of the 'New Rules of Pleading' wore away very slowly, and it was only the other day that the Judicature Acts, of which the full influence has not yet been felt, placed the Procedure of Courts of Justice on the footing which would naturally be given to it by a society which regards it only as Adjective Law.

The most modern classifiers, again, distribute law not with reference to the distinction between Persons and Things, but with reference to the differences between kinds of Rights. I stated before that the clear conception of a legal right is not ancient, or even Roman, but that it belongs distinctively to the modern world. Doubtless, before it can be realised, the sense of a Court of Justice as ever active, and as dominating the whole field of law, must have somewhat decayed. As regards one great class of Rights, those arising out of Contract and Delict, the Romans un

questionably mixed together the notions of legal Right and legal Duty. They considered the parties as bound together by a vinculum juris, a bond or chain of law, and 'Obligation,' which is the name for this chain, signified rights as well as duties; the right, for example, to have a debt paid as well as the duty of paying it. As I have said elsewhere, the Romans kept, in fact, the entire picture of the "legal chain" before their eyes, and regarded one end of it no more and no less than the other.' But it was the Court of Justice which had welded this chain, and the explanation of this and other blended ideas which we can detect in Roman legal phraseology is, I presume, that the dominancy of the Court of Justice over all legal notions still continued to influence the Roman view of law. Although, however, the authors of the Roman Institutional manuals did not invent, and could not have invented, arrangements of law based on classification of Rights, they did, as we have seen, attain to the conception of law as something distinct from Procedure, and they did conceive it as distributable into the Law of Persons and the Law of Things. The exact relation of these two departments to one another has been keenly disputed by modern writers, and it cannot be conveniently considered here; but anybody who can bring home to himself the ancient ideas of law on which I have sought to throw light may, perhaps, convince himself that the

conception of a Law of Things, at all events, was a great achievement in mental abstraction; and that it must have been a man of legal genius who first discerned that Law might be thought of and set forth apart from the Courts of Justice which administered it on the one hand, and apart from the classes of persons to whom they administered it on the other.

INDEX.

A

ACTIONS

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CTIONS, law of, place assigned to
it by Roman Jurists, 388, 389
Adams, H. C., his Historical Studies'
referred to, Note A, 330
Adoption, practice and importance of

at Rome and Athens, 96, 97; its
survival as an institution on the Con-
tinent, 96; practice of among Hin-
dus and in India generally, 97, 154;
Roman usage of referred to, 198
Aged men among Hindus, withdrawal
of into 'religion,' 21, 22; status of,
22 et seq.
Agnatic kindred, 238, 239

Agnation, system of, among Romans
referred to, 198; among words re-
ferred to, Note A, 283

Alice in Wonderland' referred to, 35
Allod, the, meaning and description of,
338 et seq.; its difference from the
feud, 341, 342; how it passed into
the feud, 343 et seq.
Amatongo, the, worship of referred to,

54

Ancestor-worship, incumbent upon heirs
in most early communities, 53; theory
of its origin, 67-70; subsequent to
recognition of Paternity, 75, 76; its
tendency to dissolve the family, 77;
its connection with Inheritance, 53,
78, 79; intense desire for male off-
spring created by, 85; among Chi-
nese, described, 60 et seq.; expense
of, 61; honours not originally paid to
women, 72, 73; in reference to fu-
neral rites, 80; intense desire for
male offspring created by, 86; among
Christians and Mahommedans merely
accidental, 59; its relation to Con-
fucianism and Buddhism, 63, 64

ANCESTOR

among Greeks compared with Hindu
worship, 57, 58; among Hebrews re-
ferred to, 58; among Hindus, sense
in which it is to be regarded, 53;
proximity in time essential to, 54;
reverence paid to remote ancestors
later in point of time, 54; its ela-
borate liturgy and ritual, 55; law of
Inheritance dependent upon, 55; as
it affects daily life, 56; distinction
between general and daily worship,
57, 64; under name of Pitris referred
to, 57; difficulty of reconciliation
between it and Purgatory and Trans-
migration, 70, 71, 72; honours not
originally paid to women, 73, 74;
Vishnu's summary of, 74; its exist-
ence in the Punjab, 76; in reference
to funeral rites, 81; its effect upon
law, 81-83; analogy between such
effect and that created by media-
val Church, 84; intense desire for
male offspring, 85; consequence of
that desire, 86; eldest legitimate
son of father if possible to offer
sacrifices, 88, 89; this spiritual
primacy as relating to primogeni-
ture and succession, 89, 90; failing
legitimate son of father, eldest son of
wife to sacrifice, 90; failing either,
son of 'appointed' daughter to sacri-
fice, 91; modifications of, Note A,
122, and changes in, 116, 118; among
Romans, distinction between general
and daily worship, 57, 64; compared
with Hindu worship, 57, 58; decline
of private celebration of, 64; its
effect on Civil law, 66; result of this
effect upon English and Continental
law of Inheritance, 66; in reference

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