The English are now all drunk. The Run of Elections indicate Continuance of War, and the most desperate obstinacy. The nation, however is impotent. The loss of their E. & W. India fleet is a severe Blow. May they soon have Repetition upon Repetition of such strokes.

Hon M. S. ADAMS.

Yours affectionately

JOHN ADAMS.

Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard are both with you, eer now I presume. My Regards to them if you please. Mrs. Izard and Mr. W. Lee's family are well.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

LEYDEN March 11. 1781.

DEAR SIR

I have only time to introduce to you Mr. De L'Etombe Consul of France, to reside at Boston for the northern States. I think America will find in this gentleman, a worthy able Friend of his own country and of ours.

The nation with whom I reside is in a critical Situation. Our affairs here are in the Same State of Suspense with their own. I can promise nothing with respect to Money, Commerce or Politicks, but my utmost Endeavours. Time alone, a good deal of it too, can determine. Be assured I have great need of Patience. I am &c

Hon SAMUEL ADAMS

JOHN ADAMS.

DEAR SIR

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

HOTEL OF THE UNITED STATES HAGUE June 15, 1782.

The ill Health, contracted in Amsterdam, which began with a violent nervous Fever, last August, and which left me with Gout and Scurvy, and a complication of Disorders, which are scarce yet Cured, have prevented me from writing to my Friends so often as I wished.

It was necessary that I should take my station, at Amsterdam in the Time of it, for the Sake of the Society of my Countrymen, and for the Convenience of free Conversation with those Persons, who were able and desirous to promote the American Cause. But my Residence in that City has given a terrible Shock to my delicate and feeble Frame.

What say you, to the alliance of the first Commercial Power in Europe next to England, a Republican and a Protestant Power? Is it an event of Importance or no? There are who dispute it. The two Houses of Orange and Brunswick have heretofore acted sublime Parts in favour of the Cause of Liberty. They

have lately acted too much in Concert against it. That of Orange must now return to its old System and Principles. I confess I felt a great Pleasure to be introduced to that Court where William the first and William the third accomplished such great things in favour of the Protestant Religion and the Rights of Mankind, and to their Hereditary successors. This Country appears to me more a Home than any other that I have seen. I have often been to that Church in Leyden where the Planters of Plymouth worshiped so many years and felt a kind of Veneration for the Bricks and Timbers.

Pray how does your Constitution work? How does the Privy Council play its part? Are there no Inconveniences found in it? it is the Part which I have been most anxious about, lest it should become unpopular and Gentlemen should be adverse to serve in it. This form of Government has a very high Reputation in Europe, and I wish it may be as well approved in Practice as it is in Theory.

The great work of Peace advances but Slowly. Our excellent Friend Mr. Laurens, has declined acting in the Commission on account of his ill Health, an excuse that I might alledge perhaps with equal Reason for transmitting a Resignation of all my Employments, for I really am in a very feeble State. I have returned to my old Physician, a Saddle Horse, and if his Skill does not restore me, I shall certainly try the air of the blue Hills.

This Moment comes in an Invitation to Mr. Adams to Sup with the Prince and Princess of Orange, at his Country Seat which they call the Maison du Bois, this Evening. All this is very right. The Sons of Liberty have the best right of Any People under Heaven to dine and sup with this Family. I wish you could be of the Party. I always think of you when I see any of the Portraits of this Family. William the first looks much like you.

I will make a Visit to-day to his Highness and pray him to send an Ambassador to Congress. I have a right to speak to him on this subject, as he is a Member of the States General, tho as Statholder it is not in his Department

Adieu

Hon SAMUEL ADAMS Esq

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

THE HAGUE August 19. 1782

MY DEAR SIR.

The present Minister, Shelburne I remember disgusted me by an unintelligible misterious and Equivocal Letter or Number of Letters and in general by the Conduct he held fifteen or twenty years ago, and I recollect some disputes I had with Mr. Otis upon his Lordships subject at that time. His Lordship appears to be the same character at this day. He is a good proof of personal identity. His Court has lately signified, in this style, to the two Imperial Courts and to Versailles, that his Majesty pretended not to prejudice any question, nor to hinder any Person from entering a Congress, whether it was a question of the States General, or whether they would make enter there the American Colonies. The Commission to

Mr. Fitzherbert, is to treat of Peace with the Ministers quorumcunque Statuum quorum interesse poterit.

Now if St. James's means by this the United States why not use the Words? if they do not mean them, we should not be decoyed by such artifices. There seems to be something like an Endeavour in Earnest to agree upon some Preliminaries, but what will be the success I know not. Charles Fox has shewn himself the greatest Statesman in G. Britain, and if his Idea had been adopted he would have really served his Country.

I see, by the Papers, the Massachusetts goes on very consistently and Steadily the same Govr. Lt. and President of the Senate. I wish myself often with you, and hope, some time or other to be so, for I am weary of so insipid an Existence as I hold in Europe. I am wearing myself out, to little visible Purpose. I came within an Hairs breadth of succumbing under this dutch Mission, but thank God it has terminated happily, and I look upon it the very Pivot upon which our System turned in Europe, and our Sons will see, if we do not, the Importance of it. This being accomplished I see nothing more for me to do in Europe. As to Peace I dispair as Things now are of doing so much good, as I could do at home, with infinitely more satisfaction.

This State is thinking of Sending a Minister to Philadelphia, if he should land at Boston, I hope he will be taken proper notice of. But the step here is too slow and it is very difficult to quicken it.

Hon S. ADAMS

affectionately yours

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

THE HAGUE August 29. 1782

DEAR SIR

The King of England has sent Mr. Fitzherbert to Paris with a Commission to treat of Peace, with his dear Brother the King of France and with the Ministers of the States General, and of all other Principum et Statuum quorum interesse poterit. The States General have appointed Mr. Brantzen to make Peace too, but in concert with France and the other belligerent Powers. Mr. Brantzen has not yet gone, but he told me two days ago, that he should set off in a few days. The object is to see if they can agree upon Preliminaries at Paris, previous to a general Congress. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay are to inform me by Expresses of what passes. But the Earl of Shelburne is very Secret and misterious. He is afraid of opposition at home.

The Success will depend upon open Events, the Fate of Gibraltar, the East Indies, New York &c.

Mr. Laurens declines acting in the Commission for Peace for which I am very sorry as well as that Mr. Jefferson is not arrived.

The English are humbled and depressed to a degree, but not unanimously so. There is a great Body that still blusters and vapours, and the Refugees are inde

fatigable in irritating these, to recommence offensive Hostilities in America. Any Signal Success would enable them to carry the Point, but there is no probability of such Success. Relieving Gibraltar which would be a brilliant Event, would however not have the Effect because tho a great Thing would be saved, nothing would be positively gained by it.

It is not possible to say how long England may hold out: but her distresses increase and new Embarrassments are rising up. Scotland is now in Motion. All such Things however operate slowly and faintly, in reducing the Fury of the Natives, and still more so in convincing the King, to whose will Shelburne seems. as much devoted as ever North was.

Means are still found to buoy up the Hopes of a Part that some Conquest or Conciliation may yet be effected with America, and it will never cease to be so while they have so many hired Lyars in their pay, who stick at nothing however gross, and nothing is too gross to impose.

With my best Respects to your Family, I am my dear Sir

Hon S. ADAMS Esqr.

Yours

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

PARIS April 5. 1783.

SIR

Mr. Grigby, the Bearer of this Letter, is recommended to me, by Gentlemen who have been friendly and usefull to America in the Peace, in such a Manner that I beg Leave to introduce him to your acquaintance. His views I Suppose are commercial, but a Letter to you may do him more Honour than to many mere Merchants, and perhaps more Service even in his own Way.

I have been waiting month after Month for the Completion of the definitive Treaty and for News from America, but cannot yet Say when we shall see either. The Pause has been very disagreeable. But we hope for an End Soon. I want to come home for many Reasons, one of which lies with great Weight upon my Mind. It is to persuade you to make a Collection of your Writings, in which I think the new world deeply interested, and the old one too.

With great Regard Your humble Servant

Hon SAMUEL ADAMS.

J. ADAMS

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

THE HAGUE May 1. 1784

MY DEAR SIR

I received this morning your Letter of November 4 & Decr. 4 with great Pleasure I had heard of your Illness and was anxious to hear of your recovery. Long

Voyages and Journeys, great Agitation of Mind and the Air of putrid Cities, have given me so many severe Fits of Sickness, that I feel myself more affected hearing of Such Misfortunes befalling my Friends. I have recovered, however, a better share of Health than I expected, and by Writing Less and walking and riding more, I hope to preserve it.

The Refugees were a difficult subject to manage in the negociations of the Peace. We did the best we could. We were not in a condition to prescribe all the Terms We could have wished: and we were lucky, under all Circumstances, in obtaining in a very critical Moment what We did. The continuance of the War, which was very narrowly escaped, might have reduced England lower, and might have raised her Enemies higher, but I am fully perswaded that we instead of gaining by it, should have lost. Had the Situation of the belligerent Powers, or the State of the negotiations been such that England had been ready to Agree upon Terms with France and Spain, before she was ready to agree with Us, You may easily imagine, what might have been the consequence, especially if France had advised us to consent to Terms respecting the Refugees the Fisheries and Boundaries which Britain might have proposed to us.

We need not weigh very Scrupulously our obligations to France nor hers to Us-both sides have fullfilled their Engagements hitherto, and I doubt not will continue to do so. The Alliance has been beneficial to both, and may continue to be so. But I think the History of the Reign of Louis the fifteenth ought to be read in America-it is amazing to Speculate, and can do no harm to put Suppositions. Suppose Britain in 1778, instead of making War with France, had taken Mauduit's Advice, or perhaps Lord North's advice, acknowledged American Independence, and proposed an alliance offensive and defensive with the United States? What would at this hour have been the Situation of France? or Suppose the Colonies had continued to this day, Subject to the Dominition and Monarchy of Britain? I answer without hesitation, in the latter Case, she must have asked Leave of Britain to put a Ship to Sea.

I only wish that my Countrymen had been possessed of a little more Confidence in their own Negotiators, and pushed their Connections with more Steadiness and activity with other Nations. This could have done them no harm, and I am confident would have done them a great deal of good, even with their Allies. Whether the Historian shall do me Justice or not, with regard to my "Negotiation with Holland" I care very little, but I wish that Mr. Jay and Mr. Dana as well as Mr. Izzard and Mr. Lee may do Justice to themselves and their Country, by faithfully recording those important Facts which fell within their knowledge, relative to their own negotiations. I will compound with the Historians for myself if they will say no ill of me. But there are Facts which ought to be remembered and held up to view in time, not to excite needless Jealousies, but as the Sailors plant Buoys on the shallows. I have other reasons-I know that abandoned Calomnies will be recorded in History, if some care is not taken to ascertain the Truth. There are Politicians in the World who have great Numbers of Historians under their Thumbs to whom lies and slanders cost nothing at all.

Funds for the punctual Payment of our Foreign Debt are of great importance of all our Debts indeed. But whether it is best to divide the Debt among the