The archbishop of Narbonne, and Fouquet, bishop of Toulouse, whom the Albigenses called the bishop of devils, proceeded to this siege. Pons de Villeneuve, and Olivier de Fermes, who commanded in the castle, not being able to prolong their defence, succeeded one night in escaping with part of the garrison; the rest were either knocked on the head, or put to the sword by the conquerors. Fouquet did, however, save the lives of some women and children; and he, in like manner, rescued from the hands of the soldiers, though it was that they might perish in the flames, Girard de la Mote, pastor of the heretics of Bécéde, and all those who formed his flock.*

Thus, the cruelty of the persecutors was not yet satiated; still it frequently displayed itself by punishments, and during all the period on which we are now entering, the repressive measures, adopted by the councils, acquired each year more severity, and gave to the inquisition an organization still more terrible. Nevertheless, that fanaticism, which had armed the first crusaders against the Albigenses, was abated; nobody now regarded Christianity as in danger from the progress of reform, nobody was anxious to save the church from the invasion of thought, and no one longed for the moment when he might rejoice at the burning of the heretics, or bathe himself in their blood. To an outrageous phrensy had succeeded a calm indifference; yet, toleration had gained

*Guill. de Podio Laurentii, cap. xxxvii, p. 689. Præclara Franc. facin. p. 775.

nothing by the exchange. Kings, nobles, priests, and people were all agreed in thinking, that heretics must be destroyed by fire and sword. An injurious name, which recalled the Bulgarian origin of the sect, was given to all who had undertaken to bring back morals to their purity, faith to its spirituality, and the church to its original simplicity. A cold contempt alone was vouchsafed to those beings who had been animated by such generous sentiments, and had suffered so much affliction, as if they had in them nothing human, nothing capable of feeling, nothing with which the heart of man could sympathize. Their very punishment excited no emotion, not even that of hatred, because it no longer required an effort to crush them.

Reason, however, began afresh to attempt the examination of religious questions; but it was not to those controversies treated of by the Albigenses, that attention was directed. From them the most undaunted speculators turned, with a wellfounded horror. The schools of Paris had been continually acquiring importance; new scholars flocked there, not only from France, but from all Europe, to attend the lessons of celebrated masters. A numerous body of professors, who were indebted for their pecuniary advantages, their rank in society, and their fame, to the exercise of all the faculties of the mind, had raised themselves, still more than they had elevated the youths confided to their care. Erudition had made indubitable progress; skill in managing both the thoughts and the language in disputes, had increased with exercise; it is not so certain that the understand

ing had gained either in justness or in extent. The school of theology at Paris, famed through all Europe for its orthodoxy, placed its glory in maintaining that reputation without spot; yet, this body of teachers could not help finding itself in opposition to the monastic orders, who also undertook the work of instruction. Their rivalship contributed to attach the French theologians to the defence of the independence of their national church; it was by prescribing the boundaries of the temporal and spiritual powers, by their oppositions to the encroachments of the court of Rome, that they signalized their spirit of reform, and never in any examination of the doctrine, nor even in that of the discipline of the church.

In the midst of the troubles of an agitated regency, with numerous risings and revolts of the barons within the realm, and threatenings and dangers from without, Blanche had the talent to terminate the conquest of the Albigenses, and to gather the fruits of the policy of Philip Augustus, of the zeal of Louis VIII, and of the fanatical fury of their subjects. The rivalship of Philip Hurepel, the count of Boulogne, and uncle of Louis IX, the enmity and distrust of the barons, and the relationship which connected her with Raymond VII, did not divert her from those projects of aggrandizement, which she had formed in concert with the cardinal di Sant. Angelo. France has been indebted to her for the acquisition of a noble province, and forgetting at what a price it was purchased, she has viewed with indulgence both her policy and her means of suc

cess.

It would be unjust to attribute to individ

uals the errors of their age. Intolerance and persecuting fanaticism were virtues in the eyes of Blanche, and she is not responsible for the instruction of her doctors. But cupidity, cruelty, and want of faith in political transactions, were sanctioned by no religious instruction. We are no more able to exculpate from these vices the great of the middle ages, than those of our own days. The frequency of examples cannot justify that which conscience reprobates. Yet the picture of the crimes of former ages does not excite sensations which are altogether painful; it shows to what a degree ignorance is contrary to morality, and how greatly the increase of knowledge has been favourable to the progress of virtue.

1228. At the commencement of the year 1228, Raymond count of Toulouse again took the field, flattering himself that he should find the royal party discouraged by the civil wars with the barons, and the crusaders weakened by the departure of the most enthusiastic amongst them for the Holy Land. Guy de Montfort, brother of the ferocious Simon, was killed at the siege of Vareilles.* Raymond afterwards took possession of Castel Sarrazin. In the neighbourhood of that place, he placed an ambush for body of troops belonging to Humbert de Beaujeu, and, having taken a great number of prisoners, he abandoned himself to those sentiments of hatred and vengeance, which the horrors of the war had excited both in his soldiers and himself.

* Guill. de Podio Laurentii, ch. xxxvii, p. 689. Præclara Franeorum facinora, p. 776.

The captives were mutilated with an odious cruelty; a second advantage caused additional French prisoners to fall into his hands, and a second time he treated them with the same barbarity.* Perhaps, also, a mistaken policy made him thus brave the laws of humanity. Discouragement had seized the hearts of the Languedocians; their constancy had been exhausted by such a succession of combats, and so many sufferings; and Raymond VII thought that he should render them warlike by permitting them to become ferocious. But on the contrary, those who had degraded themselves by taking the character of executioners, ceased to merit, in war, the title of soldiers. His success finished with his clemency.

Humbert de Beaujeu received but little assistance from France; the prelates, however, effected for him what the queen could not then undertake. In the middle of June, the archbishops of Auch and Bourdeaux arrived at his camp with a great member of bishops; they had been preaching the cross in their respective dioceses, and they brought him a numerous and fanatical army.† Fouquet, bishop of Toulouse, had never quitted the crusaders, and he exceeded them all in sanguinary zeal. He believed himself called to purify, by fire, his episcopal city, and he determined Beaujeu to draw near to Toulouse. The affrighted citizens shut themselves up within their walls, abandoning the surrounding country, and

*Matt. Parisii Hist. Angl. p. 294.

+ Hist. de Languedoc, liv. xxiv, ch. xxxviii, p. 368.