politeness will be entirely artificial, and used only when it is their interest to use it. On the other hand, a truly benevolent, kindhearted person will always be distinguished for what is called native politeness, though entirely ignorant of the conventional forms of society. FLOWERS. How the universal heart of man blesses flowers! They are wreathed round the cradle, the marriage-altar, and the tomb. The Persian in the far East delights in their perfume, and writes his love in nosegays; while the Indian child of the far West clasps his hands with glee, as he gathers the abundant blossoms, -the illuminated scripture of the prairies. The Cupid of the ancient Hindoos tipped his arrows with flowers; and orange-buds are the bridal crown with us, a nation of yesterday. Flowers garlanded the Grecian altar, and they hang in votive wreaths before the Christian shrine. All these are appropriate uses. Flowers should deck the brow of the youthful bride; for they are in themselves a lovely type of marriage. They should twine round the tomb; for their perpetually renewed beauty is a symbol of the resurrection. They should festoon the altar; for their fragrance and their beauty ascend in perpetual worship before the Most High. WHERE IS THE ENEMY? I have somewhere read of a regiment ordered to march into a small town, and take it. I think it was in the Tyrol; but, wherever it was, it chanced that the place was settled by a colony who believed the gospel of Christ, and proved their faith by works. A courier from a neighboring village informed them that troops were advancing to take the town. They quietly answered, "If they will take it, they must." Soldiers soon came riding in, with colors flying, and fifes piping their shrill defiance. They looked round for an enemy, and saw the farmer at his plough, the blacksmith at his anvil, and the women at their churns and spinning-wheels. Babies crowed to hear the music, and boys ran out to see the pretty trainers, with feathers and bright buttons, "the harlequins of the nineteenth century." Of course none of these were in a proper position to be shot at. "Where are your soldiers?" they asked. "We have none," was the brief reply."But we have come to take the town."-" Well, friends, it lies before you."-" But is there nobody here to fight?”—“No: we are all Christians." Here was an emergency altogether unprovided for, a sort of resistance which no bullet could hit, a fortress perfectly bomb proof. The commander was perplexed. "If there is nobody to fight with, of course we cannot fight," said he: "it is impossible to take such a town as this." So he ordered the horses' heads to be turned about, and they carried the human animals out of the village as guiltless as they entered, and perchance somewhat wiser. This experiment, on a small scale, indicates how easy it would be to dispense with armies and navies, if men only had faith in the religion they profess to believe. GEORGE BANCROFT. ¿ud fan 1891 THIS eminent historian was born at Worcester, Massachusetts, in the year 1800. His father, the Rev. Aaron Bancroft, was the minister of a Congregational church, in that town, for more than half a century, and had a high reputation as a theologian of learning and piety. At the early age of thirteen, Mr. Bancroft entered Harvard College, and was graduated in 1817, with the highest honors of his class. His first inclinations were to study theology; but in the following year he went to Germany, and spent two years at Göttingen, in the study of history and philology, and obtained the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. He then visited, in succession, Berlin, Heidelberg, Italy, France, and London, and returned home, in 1822, one of the most accomplished scholars for his age our country had produced. He was at once appointed tutor of Greek in Harvard College; and those who had the benefit of his instructions remember well his zeal, and faithfulness, and varied learning as a teacher. Desirous, however, to introduce into our country the system of education that obtained at the German gymnasia, he established, in conjunction with Joseph G. Cogswell,' a school of a high classical character at "Round Hill," Northampton, Massachusetts. Here he prepared many admirable Latin text-books for schools, much in advance of any thing then used in our country. In 1828, he gave to the public a translation of Heeren's Histories of the States of Antiquity. Before this, he had given some attention to politics, and ranked himself with the Whigs; but he now joined the Democratic party, and was in the high-road to political preferment. In 1834, Mr. Bancroft published the first volume of The History of the United States, a work to which he had long devoted his thoughts and researches. The first and two succeeding volumes of the work, comprising the colonial history of the country, were received with great satisfaction by the public, as being in advance of any thing that had been written on the subject in brilliancy of style, picturesque sketches of character and incident, compass of erudition, and generally fair reasoning. In 1838, Mr. Bancroft received from President Van Buren the appointment of 1 The learned librarian of the Astor Library, New York. this time, he was busily engaged upon the third volume of his history, which was published in 1842. In 1844, he was the "Democratic" candidate for Governor of Massachusetts, but was unsuccessful. At the close of that year, Mr. Polk was elected President, who, early the next year, appointed him Secretary of the Navy. In 1846, he was appointed Minister-Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, and there represented the United States until succeeded by Mr. Abbott Lawrence, in 1849. On his return, this year, to his country, he made New York his place of residence, and resumed more actively the prosecution of his historical labors. The fourth volume of his history appeared in 1852, and comprises a period of fifteen years, from 1748 to 1763. The next year the fifth volume was published, comprising the years 1763, 1764, and 1765. The sixth volume brings us down to 1774, the verge of the Revolution; and the seventh, published in 1858, enters upon the stirring scenes of the Revolution itself.1 CHARACTER OF ROGER WILLIAMS. While the state was thus connecting by the closest bonds the energy of its faith with its form of government, there appeared in its midst one of those clear minds which sometimes bless the world by their power of receiving moral truth in its purest light, and of reducing the just conclusions of their principles to a happy and consistent practice. In February of the first year of the colony, but a few months after the arrival of Winthrop, and before either Cotton or Hooker had embarked for New England, there arrived at Nantasket, after a stormy passage of sixty-six days, 66 a young minister, godly and zealous, having precious" gifts. It was Roger Williams. He was then but a little more than thirty years of age; but his mind had already matured a doctrine which secures him an immortality of fame, as its application has given religious peace to the American world. He was a Puritan, and a fugitive from English persecution; but his wrongs had not clouded his accurate understanding; in the capacious recesses of his mind he had revolved the nature of intolerance, and he, and he alone, had arrived at the great principle which is its sole effectual remedy. He announced his discovery under the simple proposition of the sanctity of conscience." The civil magistrate should restrain crime, but never control opinion; should punish guilt, but never violate the freedom of the soul. The doctrine contained within The "London Monthly Review" thus speaks of Mr. Bancroft:-" He possesses the best qualities of an historian. His diligent research, his earnest yet tolerant spirit, and the sustained accuracy and dignity of his style, have been nobly brought to bear upon one of the grandest subjects that ever engaged the study of the philosopher, the legislator, or the historian." itself an entire reformation of theological jurisprudence; it would blot from the statute-book the felony of non-conformity; would quench the fires that persecution had so long kept burning; would repeal every law compelling attendance on public worship; would abolish tithes and all forced contributions to the maintenance of religion; would give an equal protection to every form of religious faith; and never suffer the authority of the civil government to be enlisted against the mosque of the Mussulman or the altar of the fire-worshipper, against the Jewish synagogue or the Roman cathedral. It is wonderful with what distinctness Roger Williams deduced these inferences from his great principle; the consistency with which, like Pascal and Edwards,those bold and profound reasoners on other subjects,-he accepted every fair inference from his doctrines; and the circumspection with which he repelled every unjust imputation. In the unwavering assertion of his views he never changed his position; the sanctity of conscience was the great tenet which, with all its consequences, he defended, as he first trod the shores of New England; and in his extreme old age it was the last pulsation of his heart. But it placed the young emigrant in direct opposition to the whole system on which Massachusetts was founded; and, gentle and forgiving as was his temper, prompt as he was to concede every thing which honesty permitted, he always asserted his belief with temperate firmness and unbending benevolence. DESTRUCTION OF THE TEA IN BOSTON HARBOR.1 The morning of Thursday, the 16th of December, 1773, dawned apon Boston, a day by far the most momentous in its annals. Beware, little town; count the cost, and know well if you dare defy the wrath of Great Britain, and if you love exile, and poverty, and death, rather than submission. At ten o'clock, the people of Boston, with at least two thousand men from the country, assembled in the Old South. A report was made that 1 On the 28th day of November, 1773, the ship Dartmouth appeared in Boston Harbor, with one hundred and fourteen chests of tea. The ship was owned by Mr. Rotch, a Quaker merchant. In a few days after, two more tea-ships arrived. They were all put under strict guard by the citizens, acting under the lead of a committee of correspondence, of which Samuel Adams was the controlling spirit. The people of the neighboring towns were organized in a similar manner, and sustained the spirit of Boston. The purpose of the citizens was to have the tea sent back without being landed; but the collector and comptroller refused to give the ships a clearance unless the teas were landed, and Governor Hutchinson also refused his permit, without which they could not pass the "Castle," as the fort at the entrance of Boston Harbor was called. The ships were also liable to seizure if the teas were not landed on the twentieth day after their arrival, and the 16th day of December was the eighteenth day after. Rotch had been refused a clearance from the collector. "Then," said they to him, "protest immediately against the custom-house, and apply to the governor for his pass, so that your vessel may this very day proceed on her voyage to London." The governor had stolen away to his country-house at Milton. Bidding Rotch make all haste, the meeting adjourned to three in the afternoon. At that hour Rotch had not returned. It was incidentally voted, as other towns had done, to abstain wholly from the use of tea; and every town was advised to appoint its committee of inspection, to prevent the detested tea from coming within any of them. Then, since the governor might refuse his pass, the momentous question recurred, whether it be the sense and determination of this body to abide by their former resolutions with respect to not suffering the tea to be landed. On this question, Samuel Adams and Young addressed the meeting, which was become far the most numerous ever held in Boston, embracing seven thousand men. There was among them a patriot of fervent feeling; passionately devoted to the liberty of his country; still young, his eye bright, his cheek glowing with hectic fever. He knew that his strength was ebbing. The work of vindicating American freedom must be done soon, or he will be no party to the great achievement. He rises, but it is to restrain; and, being truly brave and truly resolved, he speaks the language of moderation. "Shouts and hosannas will not terminate the trials of this day, nor popular resolves, harangues, and acclamations vanquish our foes. We must be grossly ignorant of the value of the prize for which we contend, of the power combined against us, of the inveterate malice and insatiable revenge which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosom, if we hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest conflicts. Let us consider the issue before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this country ever saw." Thus spoke the younger Quincy. "Now that the hand is to the plough," said others, "there must be no looking back;" and the whole assembly of seven thousand voted unanimously that the tea should not be landed. It had been dark for more than an hour. The church in which they met was dimly lighted; when, at a quarter before six, Rotch appeared, and satisfied the people by relating that the governor had refused him a pass, because his ship was not properly cleared. As soon as he had finished his report, Samuel Adams rose and gave the word," This meeting can do nothing more to save the 1 Dr. Thomas Young, a physician, and afterwards an army-surgeon, was a zealous patriot, and a leading speaker and writer of the time. |