Indiana. It is believed that, in a few years, all the lands to which the Indians have title will be exonerated in every State in the Union; which change will be as beneficial to them as to the whites, both for the safety of the Indians, and their advance in civilization.

The revenue will this year reach the unprecedented amount of twenty-seven millions seven hundred thousand dollars; and the expenditure for all objects, except the public debt, will not exceed fourteen millions seven hundred thousand dollars. The payments on account of the debt will exceed sixteen and a half millions. The amount applied to the public debt, from the fourth of March, 1820, will exceed forty millions. From present appearances, the debt may be discharged within the four years of his administration.

An opportunity will then be offered for carrying into execution his former recommendation as to import duties. A modification of the tariff, with a view to a reduction of the revenue, and also to a regard for all our national interests, demand the consideration of the present Congress. By a spirit of compromise all those objects may be attained.

He recommends to their favor the debtors to the Government, and also the relief of insolvents; and that imprisonment of the person of debtors be limited only to cases of fraud.

The amendment of the Constitution, so as to give the election of President and Vice-President to the people, is again pressed on their notice, as well as the disqualification of members of Congress who had had any agency in the election.

The system of the public accounts, and the District of Columbia, are recommended to their attention; as are also the claims of some of the Western States to Circuit

Courts. He mentions the Bank, only to say that, content with having already presented his views on the subject, he leaves it to "the investigation of an enlightened people and their representatives."

On the same day that Congress met, a National Republican convention was held at Baltimore, for the purpose of nominating a President and Vice-President. There were one hundred and fifty-five members, from seventeen States, and the District of Columbia.' They appointed James Barbour, of Virginia, President. Mr. Clay received an unanimous vote for the highest office; as did Mr. Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, for the second: which nominations were duly accepted. They appointed a committee to prepare an address to the people.

In this Congress, Mr. Adams, the late President, was a member of the House of Representatives, and Mr. Clay was a member of the Senate.

The report from the new Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. M'Lane, excited no little surprise in the nation, as he came out the avowed and direct supporter of the Bank of the United States, as constitutional, well conducted, and essential both to the Government and the nation, and he therefore recommended Congress to recharter it. This recommendation, taken in connection with the moderated tone of the President in speaking of that institution, had the immediate effect of raising the market price of its stock; and this, too, though the report contemplated the sale of the large amount of stock owned by the Government, in case Congress should wish to expedite the extinction of the public debt.

Another citation was presented to the Governor of Georgia, in consequence of the laws of the State relative

1 A member from Tennessee afterwards attended.

2 Niles's Register, Vol. XL., page 307.

to the lands of the Cherokees. One of these laws had made it highly penal for any white person to reside on these lands, and two persons (missionaries), Samuel A. Worcester and Elizur Butler, were convicted under the act, in one of the courts of Georgia, and sentenced to imprisonments: on which these parties obtained a writ of error against the State of Georgia, and a copy of the citation was duly served on Governor Lumpkins.

He communicated the fact to the Legislature, and the subject having been referred to a committee, they reported several resolutions, of the following purport:

That the act of Georgia prohibiting residence on the lands of the Cherokees, does not violate the Federal Constitution.

That the State has the right of civil and criminal jurisdiction over all the lands within her chartered limits.

That the right to interfere with this criminal jurisdiction has not been delegated to the United States, or its courts; but that the final and exclusive jurisdiction in such cases is vested in the State of Georgia; and no court can overrule its decisions, or impede their execution.

That any attempt to reverse the decision in the cases of Messrs. Worcester and Butler, will be held to be unconstitutional, and be treated as such.

That the State will not so compromit her dignity, as to appear to, or answer to, any proceedings before the Supreme Court, having for their object the interference with the decisions of the State courts in criminal matters.

The Governor is required to disregard every mandate, order, or decree, from any Judge of the Supreme Court, for the purpose of arresting or impeding the

execution of a sentence of the courts; and he is further authorised and required to resist, by all the power and means at his disposal, every invasion upon the administration of the criminal laws of the State.

In the Senate of the United States, on the nomination of Mr. Van Buren as Minister to Great Britain, the subject was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, when it was moved by Mr. Holmes, of Maine, that the nomination be recommitted to the same Committee, who were instructed to inquire whether the causes assigned by the President for the removal of three of his Cabinet, and also for the resignations of the Secretaries of State and War, were the only ones, and if not, what were the precise causes; and whether Mr. Van Buren participated in any practices disreputable to the national character, which were designed to operate on the mind of the President, with a view to the appointment he has since received. Power was given to send for persons and papers. On the motion to lay these resolutions on the table, the Senate being equally divided, the Vice-President voted with the mover, in the affirmative.

On the motion to advise and consent to the appointment, the Senate was also equally divided; and it was decided by the Vice-President in the negative.

This subject gave rise to an animated debate, in which Mr. Chambers of Maryland, Mr. Holmes of Maine, Mr. Clayton of Delaware, Mr. Webster, and Mr. Clay, all took part against Mr. Van Buren, on the ground of his instructions to Mr. M'Lane; and Mr. Marcy of New York, Mr. Smith of Maryland, and Mr. Forsyth of Georgia, in defence of Mr. Van Buren.

He was assailed on the ground that, for the first time, our party differences had been brought to the notice of a foreign Government; and an attempt had been made to

claim a merit with that Government for opposing those who administered our own. It was also denied that these claims, or "pretensions," as Mr. Van Buren called them, were first advanced by Mr. Adams. They had been asserted by at least two previous Administrations. These views were pressed with great force.

He was defended, on the ground that the instructions must properly be considered to be the act of the President, and not of the Secretary; and General Jackson alleged, it was stated, that these instructions were dictated by himself. It was denied that they were against the dignity of the country, and that our claims respecting the colonial trade having been regarded as untenable by General Jackson, and at last also by Mr. Adams, they had been abandoned, and Mr. Van Buren was instructed to inform the British Government of these facts: and that the real cause of offence was, that they had succeeded in effecting an arrangement wherein their predecessors had failed.

The vote on the subject seemed to be according to the party feelings of the members. Whatever might have been the opinion of Mr. Van Buren's instructions in the abstract, the community, or at least a large portion of it, thought that the punishment exceeded the offence. Public meetings in the city of New York, and elsewhere, condemned the course of the Senate; and Mr. Van Buren now was viewed by many with that favor which supposed persecution never fails to obtain from mankind in general. Without doubt, his cause as a candidate for the Presidency was subsequently greatly advanced, if it did not owe its ultimate success to this rejection by the Senate. It was some time afterwards before General Jackson appointed a successor.

A long and spirited debate took place in the Senate,