it; and he refuses, also, the other alternative proposed to him, of resigning, under the circumstances of his case. He had previously intended to keep his seat, but he should now hold it long enough to signalize his resistance to what he "honestly believed to be unconstitutional instructions." He should resign it at the commencement of the next session of the General Assembly.

On the eighteenth of March, 1836, Mr. Benton offered his preamble and resolutions for expunging from the records of the Senate the resolutions passed by that body on the twenty-sixth of December, 1833, condemning the President of the United States for dismissing the Secretary of the Treasury because he would not remove the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, and for taking upon himself the power of removing the said deposits. The last resolve of the Senate was declared unconstitutional, because the President was thereby pronounced guilty of an impeachable offence; was unfounded and erroneous in fact, because the President did not take upon himself the removal of the deposits; was uncertain and ambiguous, containing nothing but a loose and floating charge of derogating from the Constitution and laws; with other objections. Therefore, resolved, that the said resolve be expunged from the journal, by drawing black lines round the resolve, and writing across the face thereof, in strong letters, "Expunged by order of the Senate this day of in the year

of our Lord, 1836."

He supported the resolutions in a long and elaborate speech, and was followed by Mr. Porter, of Louisiana, who occupied part of two days in strenuous opposition to the resolutions, after which the subject was suspended for a few days. But, in the mean time, a resolution was offered by Mr. Calhoun, to inquire into the expediency

of providing for the safe keeping of the journals of the two Houses, and other public records, and for protecting them from being obliterated, defaced, expunged, or otherwise injured. After some discussion, the resolution was laid on the table, by nineteen votes to fifteen.

The discussion of Mr. Benton's resolutions was resumed on the twenty-eighth of March, by Mr. Rives, recently re-elected to the Senate from Virginia, in the place of Mr. Tyler, who had resigned. After Mr. Rives had spoken in favor of the resolutions, he was followed by his colleague, Mr. Leigh, in opposition to them; and, two months later, the discussion was closed by Mr. Hill, of New Hampshire, in support of them, when they were, at the instance of their mover, laid on the table.1

The accounts received from Florida represent the Seminoles as making a resistance to the force sent against them very disproportionate to their numbers. On the twenty-eighth of December, they overpowered a body of about one hundred men and eight officers, under Major Dade, all of whom perished, and their bodies were soon afterwards found in the position in which they were shot, with their clothes on, but most of them were scalped. Only four men effected their escape.

It appeared by a letter from the Secretary of War, in conformity with a resolution of the Senate of the second of February, asking for information respecting the Indians on the frontiers of the United States, that the number who have removed from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippi is about thirty-one thousand, that about seventy-two thousand yet remain to be removed. It is estimated that the indigenous tribes between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains are about one hundred and fifty thousand.

'Register of Debates, Vol. XII., Parts I. and II., page 1593.

In consequence of some changes in the Senate, certain nominations which were formerly rejected were now confirmed. Among these were Mr. Taney, Chief Justice of the United States, and Mr. Stevenson, Minister to England.

Mr. Clay, from the Committee of Foreign Relations, made a report respecting the last appointment, in which, after reciting Mr. Stevenson's former rejection, and the reasons for it, they say that the same reasons remain in full force; and that, although a place of so much importance might not have been kept vacant until a change took place in the Senate, and the President may not have been influenced by the wish to obtain a triumph over the Senate, yet they think that while the Senate has no right to require the President to nominate any individual, neither has he a right to require them to confirm any particular nomination. But, when once they have acted, there ought to be an end of the matter. They say that formerly the practice of renomination was rare, and only took place on some indication that it was desired by the Senate. The practice, they think, is liable to great abuse. If it becomes common, there will be the danger of the existence or the imputation of corruption.

Notwithstanding this report against the appointment, Mr. Stevenson's nomination was confirmed by twenty-six votes to nineteen.

It appeared, from a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that the amount in the treasury, on the first of April, 1836, was thirty-one millions eight hundred and ninety-five thousand one hundred and fifty-five dollars, all of which was deposited in the State banks, the aggregate liabilities of which, exclusive of those to the stockholders, are about one hundred and sixty-three

millions, and their means to discharge them are about one hundred and forty-six millions of dollars.

On the thirtieth of June, a message was received from the President, announcing the death of James Madison, on the twenty-eighth instant, in his eighty-sixth year: on which Mr. Rives in the Senate, and Mr. Patton in the House, paid tributes of respect to the eminent virtues, talents, and public services of the deceased; and committees were appointed by both Houses to consider and report by what token of respect and affection it would be proper to express their sensibility on the occasion. Mr. Adams also made a feeling address to the House on the occasion.

The Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means having asked for the appropriation of a million of dollars for the protection of the Western frontier, and it seeming to be intended especially for the frontier on Texas, it was regarded by Mr. Adams as an indication that the United States meant to take part in the war between Mexico and Texas, and, possessing ourselves of the latter, to re-establish that slavery which had been abolished by the Mexican States. "If," he said, "we were to be drawn into an acknowledgment of the independence of Texas, and if we were, upon their application, to admit Texas to become a part of the United States, the House ought to be informed of it. He was opposed to any such war, or for making any such addition to our territory." He adverted to the fact that American citizens were going from all parts of the country to carry on the war of this Province against the Government of Mexico.

Mr. Peyton, of Tennessee, expressed his surprise at the remarks of Mr. Adams, who, he said, did not know the vivid feeling of Southern and Western men, when they see hostile savages hovering round their villages,

and lying in ambush to murder old and young. He asked, if an imaginary line would be respected when an unmerciful tyrant threatened our frontiers, what respect would he have for that line when pursuing the conquered Texians? All the power granted to our forces was to take up a position on either side of the line, as might be necessary. On our side of the line there might be no proper defence; and it is when we hear that our people are driven from their villages, and when they are caught and butchered, that the member from Massachusetts would stop to ask what the Mexican Minister might think of it. For his own part, he would defend the people instantly, and at every hazard.

Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina, supported the same views as Mr. Peyton: that Mexican officers familiarly spoke of the easy conquest of Louisiana, and that the work could be accomplished by proclaiming the emancipation of the slaves. He replied, with some asperity, to Mr. Adams's remarks on slavery, and asked if he would refuse to afford protection to the frontier because it might lead to an addition to the political power of the slave States. "That gentleman," he said, "had negotiated away Texas, and it was natural he should be disposed to guarantee the peaceable enjoyment of what he had conveyed."

Mr. Adams, after professing himself ready to vote for any amount for the defence of the frontier, on having the requisite information, said that all that he had done. in the treaty with Spain had been done by the instruction of Mr. Monroe: that he was the last man of the Cabinet who assented to the treaty with the boundary as now established, and was for including Texas: that, before the treaty was signed, General Jackson was con