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sole torment of the priesthood. But it was not in this manner that Count Cavour understood religious liberty. To him it was a sacred right, and he showed his sense thereof in a very marked way. He allowed public collections of Peter's pence in the dominions of Victor Emmanuel; and when a violent deputation from Milan came to remonstrate with him, he dismissed it with a lecture on the nature of free principles. By this undeviating consistency in the path of wise freedom, Count Cavour was enabled to accomplish the marvellous feat of winning the spontaneous allegiance of Italian populations to a King of Piedmontese origin. No man could be better adapted to the task by his total freedom from the narrow spirit of local pride and unaccommodating temperament generally characteristic of the Piedmontese. We have no other example of such sustained confidence as that which Count Cavour obtained from his countrymen. He reaped therein the merited reward of his tried consistency; and thus he was in a position to exercise at the most critical period the influence which has made the Italian revolution, for its moderation and discipline, an anomaly amongst revolutions. The power and ability displayed by Count Cavour in leading popular sentiment, and at the saine time sharply keeping in check the noxious influence of restless demagogues, were as astonishing as the services he thus rendered were inestimable. By what arduous exertions - through what anxious moments—this great result was achieved, it must be left to future historians to recount. But done the work was, and done within ten short years by the indomitable self-sacrifice of this great man. Even as regarded merely the internal regulation of Piedmont, his task was immense. Of all Italian States it was beyond dispute the most backward in laws, institutions, organisation. Everything had to be called into existence. Luckily, Count Cavour, besides his admirably disciplined intelligence, likewise possessed a frame of iron capacity for labour. He used to say that no amount of work could cause to him fatigue, and that he felt it only when at leisure.
His daily habit was to rise at five in the morning; from six to eight he gave audiences in his own house. After a frugal breakfast, he went to his office, where he transacted business uninterruptedly till evening - except when the Chambers sat. After dinner, by way of distraction, he generally went to the theatre; afterwards to go back to his office, where he would stay often till midnight. His only recreation was an occasional visit to his favourite seat at Leri, from Saturday to Monday. There, with the zest of a thoroughbred agriculturist, he would rusticate for a few hours in the delight of country pursuits, to return with refreshed vigour to the harassing duties and anxious schemes of State policy. This wonderful power of work assumed fabulous proportions during the war. In addition to the general direction of affairs, and the heavy labours of the Foreign Office, Count Cavour then took into his own hands the War Office, with its endless duties of detail, and transacted the business of the Home Department. What is most extraordinary is, that he understood how to get through this accumulation of duties with accuracy and precision. Even his powerful frame would, however, hardly have been able to bear this terrific strain, coupled with intense anxiety, for any length of time; and we believe that Italy owes her having had the invaluable benefit of Count Cavour's assistance at the critical period of the annexation, to that retirement into which he withdrew at Leri for some months on the event of the peace of Villafranca. On that day, the paroxyems of emotion which convulsed Count Cavour were indeed terrible. When events had happily gone far to dispel the original alarm inspired by peace, Count Cavour could not revert to the memory of that day without a quiver of agony passing over his expressive countenance which none who have beheld can forget. How much was due to the dauntless wisdom of this great man, that a peace apparently so untoward resulted in so much benefit to Italy, can be thoroughly appreciated only when the time has come for the publication of papers, showing in their integrity the untiring devotion and noble efforts of this true patriot. These, by revealing to us the hidden anxieties he had to go through, will then also
avenge his memory from aspersions which he was content to bear in silence, preferring a temporary endurance of obloquy to the injury of his country.
It is well that the mourning has been so profound and universal throughout Italy, for it is a mourning marked with symptoms of manly grief, that warrant belief in a thorough appreciation of the dead statesman's principles, and hope in those traditions being maintained. Indeed, if anythin were wanting to impress the Italians with a warning of what Count Cavour had been to them, it would be afforded by the fact, that the only voice which has ventured to express joy at his removal is the organ of Mazzini. The Austrian papers have paid to his memory the tribute due by an honourable opponent to a noble enemy, passed away. The ecclesiastical journals which combated him day after day with passionate animosity, have dropped their frantic controversy at his grave. But the party that could not refrain from venting a cry of savage joy at the death of the great Italian statesman, who had done for his country's greatness and liberation more than any man who ever lived, is the party that worships the inspirations of that arch plotter, who has the unblushing audacity, after all that has occurred, still to try to dupe the public with his professions of ardent patriotism. 'Let the Italians bear this occurrence in mind, whenever they may be urged by specious tongues to depart from the line pursued by one who loved his country as few men have loved theirs, and who will live in the memory of posterity as an example of self-devotion, nobleness of nature, and political wisdom.
A most striking and authentic confirmation of the truth and accuracy of the foregoing statements (p. 252.), as to the opinions now entertained in the highest ecclesiastical regions of Italy on the temporal authority of the Pope, has just reached us in the form of a letter proceeding from the great Benedictine Abbey of Monte Cassino itself. The language of this document is so important and so conclusive, that we publish it in the original, without attempting to translate it.
L'anonimo signore Inglese, che a quest' ora ha già rivelato le nostre opinioni, non aveva torto. Ma non avrà ragione, se nella professione di una opinione non favorevole alla eternità della temporale dominazione papale egli ci giudicherà con un criterio non cattolico. Il Cattolico è libero nell'esame delle ragioni che gli fanno giudicare su la opportunità di una forma non immortale che circonda il dogma dell'autorità papale. Egli potrà dire : - A me pare che questo potere temporale de' Papi, non dogmatico perchè non concesso da Cristo, possa per la forza delle relazioni storiche dei popoli cadere, come per la stessa forza fondossi ; - -a me pare che la ragione de' tempi, l’età che toccano i popoli, accenni a questa caduta ; - a me pare che non essendo più utile alla libertà ed alla pace della Chiesa, debbe cadere per esplicita volontà del Cristo. Ma io, come Cattolico, non dirò mai — Andate addosso al Papa, spogliatelo dello Stato. Questo potrei dire se reputassi infallibile il mio giudizio; ma questo non è tale. Gli uomini che politicamente un tempo si assoggettarono al Papa obbedirono non solo ai consigli del loro libero arbitrio, ma anche ad un immediato impulso della Provvidenza, che per noi Cattolici più immediatamente governa la Madre Chiesa che qualunque umana compagnia. Perciò la caduta del domiņio temporale non può dipendere esclusivamente dagli uomini. La Provvidenza vi entra anche in un modo speciale, perchè si tratta di Chiesa, di una compagnia informata del soprannaturale. Ed essendo ciò vero, noi Cattolici, mentre potremo sempre affermare che non sia assolutamente necessario alla Chiesa il dominio politico, mentre potremo anche congetturare del come e del quando della sua caduta, non potremo mai, come Cattolici, antivenire il giudizio del Capo della Chiesa, che per Apostolica missione sa meglio di noi ciò che giove o che faccia male alla sposa di Cristo.
* Perciò benissimo io potrei genuflettermi ai piedi di Pio IX., e dire:—Sto Padre, gittate via questo fardello politico: è cruento per guerre e sedizioni : è importabile, perchè oggi i popoli non si lasciano più portare addosso, come una volta, ma rogliono andare co' piedi loro ; è malefico, perchè lacera il seno della Chiesa con lo scisma, contrista quello della umanità tanto trangosciante per le nazionalità che partorisce: datelo in pasto ai vostri nemici, e mentre essi roderanno queste ossa aride voi ascenderete il Sinai, onnipotente di libertà, e vi troverete il mistero della unità dell'ovile e del pastore. Ma se Pio IX. mi rispondesse: Nondum venit hora, vorreste voi che ribellassi alla sua autorità come di Papa ambizioso ? Nol credo. E perchè? Perchè il Papa, per noi Cattolici, è un uomo assistito dalla virtù di quello Spirito che non discese per periture individualità umane, ma per l'immortale e soprannaturale individuo della Chiesa. Ma, perchè uomo, soffre che io gli sia ai piedi, e parli, e ragioni, e consigli ; perchè lo Spirito che ubi vult spirat, può anche rivelarsi pel verbo creato dell'uomo. Nè io dimanderò a Pio IX. quando hæc erunt; perchè le ore, i giorni, gli anni della vita della Chiesa non si trovano negli Almanacchi. Cristo lo disse: Non est vestrum nósse tempora vel momenta, quæ Pater posuit in sua potestate.
Ecco un po' d' uscio aperto perchè possiate intravedere qualche cosa delle nostre opinioni sul dominio temporale del Papa. Poco, ma bastante a chiarirvi come non siamo di coloro che vorrebbero intrudere nel confine del dogma ciò che è temporaneo; nè di coloro, che non potendo far deporre il temporale al Papa, gli voltano le spalle per andare non so dove. Siamo troppo lontani dal mondo per lasciarci incavezzare dalle passione politiche, per cui i Volteriani francesi son divenuti per incanto difensori del Papato che non credono ; ed altri si farebbero Volteriani per amore del temporale. E basta.'—Extract from a letter dated Monte Cassino, i3th June, 1861.)
No. CCXXXII. will be published in October.
ло. CCXXXII. .
Art. I. — 1. The History of England from the Accession of
James the Second. Vol. V. By Lord MACAULAY. Edited
by his Sister, Lady TREVELYAN. London: 1861. 2. The New Examen ; or an Enquiry into the Evidence relating
to certain Passages in Lord Macaulay's History. By John
PAGET, Barrister-at-Law. Edinburgh and London: 1861. For the last time we prefix to our critical labours a volume
of Macaulay's History of England.' The last sounding chords which the hand of the great master ever struck have now reached the ear of the public: the hand is cold, and the great heart which inspired it has ceased to beat. The country which he loved so well, the liberty which he cherished, and the constitution which he fenced round with his eloquence and research, have lost their ardent defender. Over the recent grave of so great a man criticism must lower its tone, and even malice must be subdued, if not silent. His powers were great, his aspirations lofty, bis ends noble and generous. Prejudices and peculiarities, as fall to the lot of all, no doubt he had; but they arose chiefly from his impetuous sense of right, his disdain of meaner minds and motives, and his wrath against oppression. When the volcano once began to work, the lava overflowed in a torrent which, wbile irresistible, was sometimes perhaps undiscriminating; but there was breadth, massiveness, and grandeur throughout; a noble example of prodigious intellect dedicated to the purest and truest patriotism, without one selfish tinge to sully, or one base ingredient to taint its influence.
Macaulay writes himself so plainly in his works, that it would be impertinent to attempt any laboured delineation of VOL, CXIV, NO. CCXXXII.