REIGN OF GEORGE III. CHAP. LV. 1795. the slave trade, so zealously reprobated by one party, as equally criminal and disgraceful; and no less warmly justified by the other, as absolutely necessary in the actual situation of the commercial and colonial affairs of Great Britain. He reminded the abolithem, that a formal resolution had passed in the session of 1792, tion of the that after the expiration of the month of January 1796, it should slave trade, no longer be lawful to import African negroes into the British colonies and plantations. Besides repeating former arguments, he mentioned the manifest disposition of the newly imported negroes to rise against the white people, and of the consequent necessity of maintaining a numerous military force to keep them in awe and subjection. He proposed a final abolition of the tived. slave trade; but after a very warm debate, the motion was ne- is negágatived. This session the trial of Mr. Hastings, after having lasted Terminatings's trial seven years, terminated in his honourable acquittal. Out of tion of Has twenty-nine peers who pronounced judgment on the occasion, by an ho twenty-three declared him innocent. The East India company, nourable conscious of the immense advantages which they had derived acquittaler from the exertions of this extraordinary man, discharged the whole expense of the trial, and also presented him with a moderate pecuniary gift, to prevent from indigence so illustrious a servant, who had always attended so much more effectually to the interests of his employers than to his own. Though every authentic and impartial historian must bestow high praise on the political ability which saved India, yet he must allow, that there were certain portions of his conduct manifestly inconsistent with the rules of justice which prevail in Britain. Whoever considers the Rohilla war, the administration of the revenues, the presents, the expulsion of Cheyt Sing, and the seizure of the treasures of the begums, with the documents, testimonies, and circumstances that appeared to the committee, and afterwards even on the trial, may find sufficient grounds for a man, feeling and reasoning as an English man, to impute culpability great culpability, to Mr. Hastings. His subsequent justifica tion of conduct, apparently blameable, does not render the inquirer into these appearances, and very prominent appearances, Men must judge from probaof wrong, the object of censure. bility, until it be proved false: apparent culpability is a proper subject of investigation, although, on inquiry, either proof should be waiting, or even innocence or merit should be esta blished. Those who consider the imputation of unworthy motives to the accusers of Mr. Hastings, confirmed by his acquittal, reason very inconclusively. Where is the evidence for such allegations? The discussion of the conduct of the governorgeneral came before a committee, in the unforeseen progress of inquiry: Mr. Burke, a member of the committee, agreed with all the other members in deeming certain proceedings stated before them, either in oral or written evidence, if true, extremely reprehensible: Examining the affairs of India still LV. 1795, CHAP. farther, and not discovering the exculpatory matter which was afterwards established before the lords, he and many others of both the political parties which then prevailed, thought there were sufficient grounds to justify parliamentary impeachment. We can no more justly blame Burke, Fox, and Sheridan, for moving an impeachment on the chief subjects, and other gentlemen on less important charges, nor the house of commons for agreeing to the motions, although the peers afterwards acquitted the defendant, than we should blame an attorneygeneral for commencing a prosecution upon the probable grounds of oral and written evidence: or a grand jury for finding a bill, although the person arraigned should, on his trial, have a verdict in his favour of not guilty. The merits of Mr. Hastings are intrinsically great, and do not require any extraneous exaggeration: and those who wish to enhance his character by censuring his accusers, manifest an incorrect and inadequate idea of the subject of their deserved applause. Mr. Pitt declares his majesty's to make Such were the principal events during this session, which terminated on the 27th of Jane. His majesty's speech contained one passage totally different from the general tenor of ministerial reasonings, which had uniformly exhibited the existing government of France as incompatible with any ideas of secure peace. Mr. Pitt, indeed, had, in discussing one of the motions for peace, declared his majesty's willingness to termiwillingness nate the war, on just and honourable grounds, with any government in France, under whatever form, which should appear capable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity with other countries; but he had constantly represented the government which then subsisted, as incapable of maintaining such relations. His majesty expressed hopes, that peace would eventually arise from the internal state which had now commenced. "It is impossible to contemplate the internal "situation of the enemy with whom we are contending, with "out indulging a hope, that the present circumstances of peace, if attainable with security, with out regard to the form of French govern. ment. France may, in their effects, hasten the return of such a state "of order and regular government, as may be capable of main❝taining the accustomed relations of amity and peace with "other powers." Though this declaration afforded only a distant prospect of peace, yet intimating its attainableness without the restoration of monarchy, it gave great satisfaction to all those who did not think a counter revolution in France indispensably necessary to British security. By the party which reprobated every project of peace with the French republicans, It was strongly disrelished. e To this declaration Mr. Burke alludes in the beginning of his Regicide Peace: he construed it in the following manner: “ Caizens Regicides! whoaever you find yourselves in the humour, you may have a peace with us. That i a point you may always comuand as seçare. We ore constantly in attend REIGN OF GEORGE III. LV. 1795. william as to the extent and Trish affairs at this season were extremely interesting and im- CHAP. portant. When earl Fitzwilliam accepted the viceroyalty, as he afterwards declared, he had been authorized to complete the catholic emancipation ; and as soon as he entered upon his Irish office he had prepared to put this popular measure into execu- affairs. tion. The chief members of the Irish ministry at this time Lord Fitz. were the Beresford party, always inimical to the encourage- viceroy ment of catholics, but ardent supporters of most of the measures recommended by the English ministers. Lord Fitzwilliam dismissed from their offices some of these persons, and chose in their place others favourable to the grand system which he had in view. The steps for accelerating the catholic emancipation passed without animadversion from the English minisstanding try; but the dismissal of Mr. Beresford and his adherents gave misunder between great offence to the cabinet of London. Lord Fitzwilliam refusing to change his arrangements, he was recalled, and lord him and Camden, son to the illustrious judge, was appointed his suc- ministers, cessor. Lord Fitzwilliam arrived in Britain, made his appearance in parliament, challenged ministers to prove, that his mea- bounds of He recalsures deserved the blame which their conduct intimated, and his powers. led, and demanded an inquiry. Ministers contended, that no blame was attached to lord Fitzwilliam, and therefore no inquiry was ne- succeeded Camden. cessary for his vindication; and that there were reasons of by lord state which rendered the discussion altogether improper: the motions in the respective houses for an inquiry were negatived. In the ardent enthusiasm of misunderstood liberty, the French Internal had proceeded, as we have seen, with rapid impetuosity, to affairs of break down, one after another, all the embankments of order and regular government, which reason and policy had constructed, or time had collected for restraining the torrent of impetuous passion. Many of the first national assembly had proposed a wise mixture of democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy; but the visionary theories of fanciful metaphysicians, conceiving in mankind a perfection which mankind do not possess, inculcated new schemes of legislation, totally unfit for human beings; and excluded religion, the great moderator of violent, and corrector of vicious passions. With these natural restraints upon the individual, they removed the artificial distinctions of rank and subordination, which conduced to the *welfare of society; they destroyed the aristocracy, which best Fattempers and controls monarchical dictation, and popular fury. Allowing their king too feeble a power, the constitutionalists of 1789 rendered the multitude paramount, gave them unlimited sway, after they had loosened the principles that might have checked the most inordinate and outrageous abuses of their power; and thus they sowed the seeds of all future excesses. ance, and nothing you can do shall hinder us from the renewal of our supplica- See lord Fitzwilliam's letter to lord Carlisle. 67 France. LV. 1795. The go of social order. CHAP. The republicans of 1792, pursuing the same levelling principle to a still greater extent, trusted that they could govern without a monarch, as the constitutionalists of 1789 had governed without separate orders and states. By the all-ruling mob, a junto of scholars and ingenious men, with learning, eloquence, subtle. ty, and theoretical refinement, proposed to govern without a king; but the engine which they moved they could not command. The constitutionalists unmuzzled, and the republicans goaded, the wild beast that, though at first soothed by their caresses, was soon turned upon themselves, with the unbridled license of passion; impiety and cruelty increased; and democracy was swallowed up by anarchy. In five years, the French had experienced all the changes from arbitrary monarchy, through emancipation, liberty, licentiousness, anarchy, and despotic terror. The era of Robespierre, the season of atheism, vernment of anarchy, and terror, was the lowest abyss of the French revoluRobespierre the lowest tion. There is, as the firsts of modern historians observes, and abyss of re- one of the first repeats, an ultimate point of exaltation and volutionary depression, which, when human affairs reach, they return in a anarchy. Commen- contrary progress. From the destruction of Robespierre, the eing return proceedings of the French began to show some distinct tendency to social order. The sway of the odious tyrant, terrible as it was while it lasted, was not without its salutary effects. It very clearly demonstrated the terrible consequences of a political society without subordination, government, and religion. But the progress of the return from anarchy to social order, was slow, and often interrupted by formidable conspiracies. The Mountain long prelominated, and opposed, with all its might, changes which tended to strengthen the Girondine party, whose vengeance it dreaded. The Girondists, constitutionalists, and other enemies to jacobin anarchy, gradually coincided in one great object, the formation of a regular constitution, which should contain a diversity of states, with reciprocal check and Constitu- control. The chief provisions of this new system were two councils, both chosen by the electoral assemblies. The first, consisting of five hundred members, was styled the legislative council; its object was to propose laws: the second, consisting of two hundred and fifty members, all above forty years of age, was termed the council of elders; its object was to confirm laws. One-third of the members was to be rechosen every year. The executive government was vested in a DIRECTORY of five members. The directory was to be partially renewed, by the election of a new member every year; none of the members who thus went out could be re-elected till after a lapse of five years. The directory was to be elected by the two coun cils, in the following manner: the council of five hundred was to make, by secret scrutiny, a list of ten persons; from which tion of 1795: two and an ex ecutive directory of five. g Hume, vol. ii. at the conclusion of Richard III. i Segur, vol. iii. REIGN OF GEORGE III. the senate, by secret scrutiny, was to select one; the judicial CHAP. power was to reside in the judges of the department, chosen by the electoral assemblies; with a tribunal of appeal, chosen by the same for the whole nation. The directors might invite the legislative body to take a subject into consideration, but could not propose any topic of discussion, unless concerning peace and war. The directory was not invested with the power of assembling or proroguing the legislative bodies. This con- French stitution showed, that the French politicians had now formed politicians some idea of the utility of a control of estates. It was, how- vinced that ever, extremely defective in its executive function, which was control of not endued with sufficient power to prevent the encroachment estates is of the legislative bodies. The bestowal of the executive power upon five persons, necessarily produced distraction and contest. It was impossible, in the nature of man, that five supreme rulers should long act with harmony. In its executorial efficiency, this system bore some resemblance to the constitution of 1789; in its two councils, it manifested a tendency to surpass the democracy royal. king's son. This year, the son of the late king, styled by the royalists Death of Louis XVII. died in the temple; and the king's brother, now the late representative of the house of Bourbon, assumed the title of Louis XVIII. |