L. their tranquillity, and violating their rights;e but the French CHAP. 1792 In the consideration of peace or war with the French republic, the proceedings of the French rulers, the negotiation between their agents and British ministers, and the conduct of our executive and legislative government, are so much interwoven, that it is frequently necessary to change the scene to review their process of action and reaction, and exhibit cause and effect. Before we follow this negotiation to its close, it is necessary to present to our readers, both internal legislative proceedings, and foreign acts, by which the negotiation was effected. The great objects of alarm, both to the British government, and to the principal part of the British nation, were the rapid advances of French principles, and the rapid progress of French power. The number of aliens at this time in Britain far surpassed the usual influx. Of these, many so conducted themselves as to justify a suspicion of their evil intentions towards this country. Agreeably to the system of Alien bill, preventive policy already recorded, the attorney-general proposed to parliament to provide for the public tranquillity by subjecting the resort and residence of aliens to certain regulations. All foreigners arriving in the kingdom were, by the plan of ministers, to explain their reasons for coming into this country, to give up all arms except those commonly used for defence or dress. In their several removals through the country, they were to use passports, by which their actual residence, or occasional movements might be manifest, and their conduct easily oberved. Those who received eleemosynary support, were to be distributed in districts where they would be more liable to the vigilance of the civil power. Particular attention was to be paid to foreigners who had visited this kingdom within the present year, who should hereafter come without obvious reasons, and be thus more obnoxious to prudent suspicion. Such were the objects and chief provisions of the law known is passed by the name of the alien bill. Those members of both hous-into a law, es who had denied the existence of the dangerous doctrines, consistently with their opinions, opposed a measure, which upon their hypothesis was certainly not necessary. Admitting, Augmenthowever, that there was external danger from abroad, they army and unanimously agreed to ministerial motions for the augmentation navy. of the army and navy... ation of the While the British legislature was making these dispositions Proceedings against internal and foreign danger, an event took place in at Paris. France, the flagrant injustice) and ferocious cruelty of which most fatally manifested the pitch of infuriate wickedness at • See correspondence between lord Grenville and Mr. Chauvelin, in Decem ber 1792. State papers for that period. [ See Chauvelin's note to lord Grenville, Dec. 27th. L. 1792. Gironde party: their literary ability, boundless ambition and wild projects. CHAP. which the jacobins were arrived. The republicans now consisted of two parties, the Girondists and the Mountain. The former contained the principal part of the literary class, ingenious, and eloquent enemies of monarchy; the latter, the most daring and blood-thirsty directors of the murderous mobs, the votaries of anarchy. Though men of genius, the leaders of the Gironde were much more brilliant than solid.s Formed to the metaphysical theories long so prevalent in France, they carried their visionary abstractions to practical life. To subtle paradox and ingenious hypothesis, which are commonly the effusions of literary retirement, many of them joined profligate corruption and rapacity, that would grasp all the wealth and power which stimulate injustice in the active world, with an excessive vanity, which represented all the objects of their cupidity as within the reach of their invention and enterprise. This wildness of speculative sciolism, this depravity of principle and pursuit, and this overweening self estimation dictated their internal and external politics: impelled them to seek a republic not suitable to the human character; in which levelling others, they might themselves enjoy boundless riches and unlimited sway; and to fancy that their talents and address could employ both the weakness and strength of various parties, in their own and other countries as instruments for the execution of their designs. To extend the circle of their proposed dominion, and also that pre-eminence which Frenchmen have always sought, they formed their boundless schemes of national aggrandizement; of embroiling mankind in war; subjugating all countries by French principles and French power, and thus subjecting the whole to themselves; new as these men were in some part of the composition of their characters, yet in others as old as vanity, avarice, and profligacy, they transcended every bound of morality or religion. Possessing great energy they in a considerable degree attained, and for a short time preserved the objects of their desire; but wanting profound wisdom and overrating their own talents of managing tools, they ultimately fell by the instruments of their exaltation. As the great operators in the several changes of the revolution were the Parisian rabble, the demagogues who could most readily and effectually direct the mob, possessed a formidable power either instrumental or supreme according to the ability and skill of its possessors. The members of the legislature, most ferociously violent against the king, were The Moun- the Mountain. These, less literary in their acquirements, less tain blood- metaphysical in their harangues, exhibited in their manners a thirsty and ferocious. coarseness which the others, educated as gentlemen, had not been able completely to attain, and were much more popular g The chief philosophical scholar among them was Condorcet. Brissot was animated, enthusiastic, and operative, but by no means profound. h See Brissot's works passim; also the writings of other Girondists. L. 1792. Marat. among the governing sansculottes. The head of this party was Robespierre, a man much inferior to the Girondists in cultivated understanding, polished eloquence, and those talents which would have had weight with an ingenious and refined Robes audience; but by the uncouth plainness of his speeches, and the pierre, Danenergy of his invectives, he was well fitted to govern a mob at on, and any time; and by his stern and sanguinary disposition peculiarly suited to the Parisian mob, panting for regicide. Next in power was Danton, equally blood-thirsty and ambitious, less strong and direct in his means, but more dexterous. Subordinate to these was Marat; a half lettered editor of a newspaper, hideous in appearance, loathsome by disease, and squalid in attire; he was passionately desirous of reducing all eminence and distinction to the same low level with himself; and long the hireling of Orleans, he imbibed against the king that rancorous gall which he had been paid for disseminating through the populace. Bloody in his disposition, ardent in his cruel exhortations; he was the delight of the murderous mob, because in so many points coinciding with themselves. By these leaders chiefly, assisted by many others of the Mountain members, the Parisian rabble was directed. The Gironde party saw the character of these demagogues, but in their eager efforts to subdue the constitutionalists, and overthrow kingly power, had co-operated with the Mountain; intending, and for a considerable time appearing, to use them as tools, The insurrection of the 10th of August was the work of the Girondists for the subversion of monarchy: Danton was a most. powerful auxiliary in the massacres of that bloody day. So effectually instrumental to the execution of the Girondist designs, the mob and the leaders of the Mountain, more sensibly felt their own resistless power. The Gironde party were totally unrestrained by conscience from seeking their ends through means however wicked; yet they do not appear to have had a desire of shedding blood merely for pleasure. Blood they would not spare where they conceived it to answer their purpose; the butchery of their fellow creatures, however, they did not seek as a pastime. Not so the sansculottes, who manifestly sought massacre for its own sake.* Before the beginning of September the power of the Mountain was very greatly increased. Marat and his associates under Danton and Robespierre, were the ring-leaders in the September carnage. Brissot had formed the plan of a national convention, and a republic: the leaders of the Mountain were contriving that the republic, which they had been instrumental in creating should be directed by themselves, and that the national convention should contain a majority of their creatures. When the assem i See Adolphus's Memoirs. Life of Marat. k What but the mere delight in human carnage could have prompted the greater part of the September massacres? See details in Playfair's Jacobinism. L. * 1792. The Giron dists wish to spare the life of the king. mob desire his massa cre. CHAP bly which he had projected met, Brissot found that the Mountain was becoming very strong. The executive council, however, still consisted of Girondists, and, the army being commanded by officers of that party, they remained formidable. The Gironde party, desirous of establishing democracy, appeared to have had no intention of attacking the life of their sovereign, unless they conceived it to interfere with the preservation of the republic and their own power. From the German retreat, and the subsequent success of the French arms, they entertained no apprehensions of the restoration of moThe Moun- narchy, and wished to save the king's life: the opposite party, tain and the not merely murderers from policy, but sanguinary from the infuriate disposition of the multitude, desired the blood of Louis. The jacobin clubs, now leagued with the Mountain, promoted the savage barbarity. Their leaders, especially Robespierre, had formed views of the most unbounded ambition, and conceived that, by involving the people in the guilt of regicide, they would bind them entirely to their system, and overpower their adversaries the Gironde and all other parties. The Girondists, superior as they were in genius and literature to the Mountain, were less daring and intrepid, and besides, had more to dread, as their adversaries were supported by the governing mob. There were, however, still great numbers throughout the provinces, and even in Paris itself, who ardently desired to spare the blood of their king. By firmness and nagnanimity, the Girondists, possessing the executorial functions, might have rallied round the metropolis a sufficient force for saving innocent blood; but they did not display the courage of resolute determination, without which lawless ambition will Pusillanimi- Hot retain newly usurped power. The proceedings were puty of Brissot sillanimous half measures, more contemptible in their inefficacy and the than the diabolical conduct of their adversaries; and though other Giron less detestable in their operation, equally noxious in the result. m Ibid, p. 7. REIGN OF GEORGE III. L. 1792 sworn to protect. To break down the soul of their sove- CHAP. but their purpose was frustrated. The dreadful situaIn which their wickedness had placed him, roused the ener gies of a mind which manifested itself not unworthy of the descendant of Henry. With every circumstance of degrada- Trial. tion that the upstart insolence of unmerited power could bestow, he was brought to the bar, and his charges were read. They consisted of two general heads; first, of crimes committed before his acceptance of the constitution; secondly, of crimes committed after his acceptance of the constitution. The evidence was composed of interrogatories put to the accused himself, and of documents charged to have been written with his privity and concurrence. The charges before his acceptance of the constitution he successively answered, by declaring what every hearer well knew, that the power then vested in him authorized the several acts, and consequently could now be no subject of question: the accusations for conduct subsequent to the acceptance he either showed to be agreeable to his constitutional powers, or denied to be such as were represented. In every particular case he protested he had acted according to the best of his judgment for the good of his subjects. The allegation of conspiracy with the enemies of his country he firmly denied. The written evidence on which he Not the was accused contained neither proof nor grounds for probable proof of presumption that he was culpable, much less guilty: the asser-guilt. tions rested upon no evidence. When the charge for the prosecution was finished, the king applied for permission to be allowed counsel. Various emigrants P informed of the charges, proffered exculpatory testimony: Louis's judges would hear no evidence but on one side: the accusation was totally unsupported by proof. His defence was conducted, first by himself, with great magnanimity and ability, and afterwards by his counsel. It was glaringly manifest, that his accusers had totally failed in making out their case; that there was not a shadow of foundation to justify an arraignment, much less evidence to authorize a penal sentence, even against the meanest subject. Before judgment was passed, it was proposed to appeal to the people. The national convention, it was said, was not a tribunal o For the proof of this assertion we refer to the reports of the trial. p Lally Tollendal, Bertrand, Narbon, Cazales, and Bouille offered, at the risk of their lives, to go to Paris, and bear testimony to the falsity of the principal charges against the king, wherein they respectively were said to have been agents. Otridge's Annual Register, 1793. slightest |