In this treatise, we meet with that succesful arrangement, and that perspicuity of statement, which constitute the chief merit of performances of this kind; while many observations and hints are here given, which will excite the curiosity and stimulate the researches of the attentive and diligent student. The addition of the specimens of the different style of pleading at different periods was a happy idea, and will much assist the attainment of liberal and enlarged views of what is here termed a science, but which we think is more an art, we mean, Pleading.

Mr. L. gives us reason to expect from him a larger book on this subject. The present specimen makes us strongly wish that he may fulfil his engagement; since we have no doubt of his proving equal to this nice and intricate undertaking, and such a work is a great desideratum. This Gentleman is not, we understand, the worthy and very deserving counsel of the same name, who is so well known and esteemed in the King's Bench.

POLITICS.

Jo.

Art. 18. Remarks upon "A Bill [as amended by the Committee] for promoting and encouraging of Industry amongst the labouring Clas ses of the Community, and for the Relief and Regulation of the necessi tous and criminal Poor. Ordered to be printed 24th Feb. 1807.” By One of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace.. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Lackington and Co.

It is strange that this Magistrate should hesitate in admitting so obvious a fact that the Poor's Rates have been for many years in a state of increase." The complaint is not that the number of poor is greater than it was a century ago, which may occur on the ground of an increased population, and yet no evil be felt, but that the proportion of the poor's rate to the rental is much higher than it was formerly; and no doubt can be entertained of the truth of this statement Persons who have given much attention to the subject are thoroughly convinced of the existence of material defects in our poor Jaws, and particularly as they do not provide against the evils of an immoral education. Here, however, the Justice of Peace is at issue with the framers of the New Bill; for he is fearful of the sad con⚫ sequences of teaching the poor to read and write: but if he compares that part of the empire which has a free school in every parish, with that which leaves the poor in total ignorance, and if he be open to the instruction which experience dictates, he will find that less immorality, less licentiousness, and less idleness prevail among the educated Scotch than among the illiterate Irish. The Tory Dr. Johnson had different ideas on this subject from the remarker before us: he observed that writing and reading is nothing when it ceases to be a distinction: that a laced waistcoat is a distinction when worn only by a few; but when all wear laced waistcoats it ceases to be so. The clauses respecting settlements, for equalizing county rates, and for reducing the poor-rate in trading and manufacturing towns, at the expence of the respective counties, require much deliberation; and we trust that the hints which the Magistrate has suggested will meet with due attention.

tention. We most cordially agree with him that the number of Ale-
bouses is a serious evil, and that they are the sources of disorder and
crime among the lower classes.

Art. 19.
Whether the causes assigned for the late change in administration
were merely ostensible or otherwise, it led to a very singular discus-
sion in Parliament, which called forth all the energy, not to say the
acrimony of party. Some were animated by interest, others by fear,
and others by a conviction of the importance of the subject to the
welfare of the Empire. Of the last we believe the number to be con-
siderable but we apprehend that, in the present corrupt state of so-
ciety, that number is surpassed by the multitude of alarmists and court
sycophants. We have been concerned to read the intemperate expres-
sions which were employed in the late debates, and still more hurt at
the unwarranted insinuations conveyed in some late addresses. Can
any man say that the case of Ireland does not require the assistance of
some able political physician; or can he honestly assert that the re-
lief, which the late Ministers meditated to extend towards her, was
calculated to endanger the Protestant religion? As Protestants, we
ought to be more liberal, and as Britons more just.-The writer of
the present pamphlet does not enter into the merits of the Catholic
claims, nor examine the advantages which were likely to accrue from
the system projected by the late Ministers: but he accuses them of a
dereliction of principle; of betraying the confidence of the King; and
of entering a Manifesto against him on the minute-book of the Privy
Council; in consequence of which, the most marked reprobation of
their conduct is here expressed, and the necessity of the pledge re-
quired of them, and even of their being driven from office, is main-
tained. As an expedient for removing them from office, the pledge,
whoever advised it, was a dextrous measure:- by the mere pro-
position of it the late Ministers were thrown on the horns of a di-
lemma; and whether they consented or not, they were sure of being
thrown out, since by consenting they must lose the confidence of
the country, and by refusing must forfeit that of the King. By this
project, however, it cannot be said that the King was a gainer. His
late Ministers had consented to withdraw the Catholic bill altogether;
and had they on any future occasion proposed a similar measure, His
Majesty was at full liberty again to express his displeasure. The more,
therefore, we survey the grounds on which the Outs and the Ins
stand, the more we are persuaded that the Catholic bill is not the
sole bone of contention.

The State of the Case, addressed to Lord Grenville and
Lord Howick. 8vo. 25. Hatchard.

This writer carries his enmity against Lord Grenville so far as to
accuse him of contriving the prosecution and impeachment of Lord
Melville, in order to remove his dangerous rival for the office of
prime minister:-but, if we recollect accurately, the proceedings against
Lord Melville originated in the Reports of certain Commissioners,
to the appointment of whom Lord G. was not in any way accessory.
In perfect unison with his condemnation of the late ministers, and
dislike of their parliament, this writer speaks of a dissolution as a
popular measure.
Mo-y. Art.

Ff 2

Mo-y.

Art. 20. Reasons for not making Peace with Bonaparte: to which is added a Postscript. By William Hunter, Esq. Second Edition, corrected. 8vo. PP 119. 2s. 6d. Stockdale. 1807 Though a devoted admirer of the late Mr. Pitt, this writer enter tained a favourable opinion of the administration which a sort of political hurricane has recently overturned. His sentiments on our internal politics are manly and liberal; and we concur with him in all that he says in commendation of the abolition of the Slave Trade, and of the new regulations of our military system: but we cannot unite with him in censuring the American Intercourse Bill, or the pacific disposition displayed towards the United States: necessity was the parent of the former of these measures, while obvious policy prescribed the latter.-Mr. Hunter was hostile to the late negotiation, but he bestows liberal praise on the manner in which it was conducted on our part; and his remarks on this subject bespeak an impartial and well informed mind. Various other topics are introduced into this pamphlet, on which we differ toto cælo from Mr. H.: but, admirting his views to be correct, the composition is altogether creditable to the writer

Art. 21. Cursory Reflections on the Measures now [lately] in Agitation, in Favour of the Roman Catholics of the United Kingdom. By a Loyal Irishman. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Hatchard. 1807.

Accustomed to lend a patient ear to all parties, we have listened with attention to this loyal Irishman;' whose loyalty, however, is accompanied with furious violence, a most unbecoming temper, and very indecorous language. Weighing impartially all that this angry writer has said, we do not find ourselves shaken in the opinion that liberal, mild, and gentle treatment towards religious parties is equally our duty and our sound policy. We have read of religious establishments having been subverted, which emoluments and privileges aggrandized, and which penalties and exclusions fenced and protected: but we know not any instance in which a religious establishment has suffered injury from too great leniency being shewn to separatists. The experience of modern times is altogether in favour of this important practical proposition. Alas! How unfortunate that, in this age of improvement, the moment in which we should most anxiously study to unite all in the cause of the country should be selected in order to rekindle and inflame religious animosities; and that there should be statesmen who, without a blush, could have recourse to these dangerous means in order to serve party purposes! The enlightened of this day ought to discountenance the unworthy and mischievous stratagem

It was the opinion of Mr. Burke that the Popery code formed one consistent whole, and that it must stand or fall together. Those who applauded his foresight in regard to the French Revolution, and the confederacy which was formed to resist it, deny his authority on the present subject, though they well know that it was one to which he had given long and anxious attention; and certainly it is not one more difficult and large than those in which they admit his decisions to have been well founded. His doctrine with respect to the Popery code embraces a comprehensive proposition: but we are con vinced

3

Jo.

vinced that it admits of clear demonstration; and the present is perhaps a reasonable period for undertaking it. Because catholic eman cipation is not less wise and politic than it is just, we do not say that on that account it should be carried into effect: it is not sufficient that the measure be a fit one, but the public must be in a degree ripe for it, before it can be safely adopted: it is not enough that the food be wholesome, the state of the system for which it is designed must be taken into consideration.-This writer imputes all the vices of antient popery to the catholic profession of our days: but in its worst times, it could hardly display a more unchristian and intolerant temper than is manifested by its present accuser.

Art. 22. Admission of Papists to hold certain Commissions in the Army, &c. The Substance of Mr. Deputy Birch's Speech in Common Council, March 5, 1807. 8vo. 18 Asperne.

We applaud this worthy deputy's zeal for protestantism; and we should be sorry to be in the least degree inferior to him in this respect but the question is whether his zeal be directed by knowlege? We would hint to him that it is not a light matter on which he has committed the metropolis of the empire. The suit of three or four millions of the subjects of a free country is surely intitled to some respect. If the capital has an interest that the church should be secure, so has it that every part of the united kingdom should be tran quil and flourishing, and remain free from disturbance and commotion. Would it not be wise that in this question there should be no popular interference? It is a state question, and should be left to the private and public councils of the King. Perhaps our affairs would not materially suffer, if Mr. Birch were to withdraw his aid :-but, if he will counsel the legislature on this subject, we would ask him, were the Popery Laws enacted on account of the religion, or the adherence of its votaries to the abdicated royal family, which was hostile to our constitution both civil and ecclesiastical? Does he believe that, if the catholics of that day had been as well disposed to the throne as they now are, these laws would ever have been passed? Because a protestant king should have it in his power to reward military merit in a few catholics, does he in his conscience believe that our protestant church will be in the least danger? If the king appoints a few catholic generals and admirals, does he think that the whole army and navy will instantly become catholic, and that we shall acknowlege the Pope and set up the mass through the kingdom? Surely we are as likely to submit to the Grand Lama, and to have the religion of Mohammed or Bramah established among us. If it be the fear of Popery that occasions us to refuse farther liberty to the catholics, never was a reason more destitute of foundation urged in favour of the continuance of any grievance. We advise the worthy deputy, and those who think with him on this subject, to consult their fears less, and their reason more.

Art. 23. Short Remarks upon Recent Political Occurrences; and, par-
ticularly, on the New Plan of Finance. 8vo.
1807.

Is. 6d. Hatchard.

Jo.

Jo.

The loose manner in which this pamphlet has been penned ap pears from the very paragraph with which it opens. The writer asserts that from the late cabinet had been excluded all who had been connected with Mr. Pitt:' but the reverse of this fact was palpably the case; since it included those with whom he had been longest and most intimately connected. Surely Lords Grenville and Sidmouth, and their respective friends, come more within this description, than the members of his last unfortunate and inglorious administration; which, with the exception of Lord Melville, embraced no one who had belonged to his former cabinet.

The Remarker accuses the same persons of representing in too uns favourable a light the state of the country, at the period of their entrance into office: but he admits that it was extravagant to describe them as reposing on a "bed of roses." He also allows that the aspect of the continent was discouraging; and a gloom,' he acknowleges, spred itself through the nation' but he contends that this was occasioned by the feeling entertained at the loss of Mr. Pitt. He asserts that the disasters of the continent were not under the controul of our ministers: but will he inform us whether Mack was not placed in the chief command, and the Archduke removed from the scene of glory, through the interference of the Cabinet of London ? He contends that Mr. Pitt was a great master of the science of finance. The system of politics followed by Mr. Pitt rendered indispensible financial devices such as are here extolled: but we do not believe that we owe them exclusively to the genius of Mr. Pitt. His merit is confined to that of proposing, upholding, and guarding them with firmness and ability. All these discoveries in finance, perhaps, the country has more reason to lament than to applaud; since they seem to have no other effect than to enable ministers to increase to its utmost point the load of public exactions. The observations of the author on the financial plan of Lord Henry Petty, which is here stated to have been ably and perspicuously opened to the House of Commons, are candid, ingenious, and deserving of attention.

Art. 24.

NAVAL AFFAIRS.

Jo.

Naval Anecdotes; or a new Key to the Proceedings of a late Naval Administration. 8vo. 5s. C. and R. Baldwin. 1807.

Much remark has been occasioned by the alterations in various departments of the naval administration, which were introduced by Lord St. Vincent; and the Admiralty Board and the Navy Board have been put at issue on some important questions. The present pamphlet seems to come with authority from the latter office, in defence of its own conduct, which had been impeached, and the vindication of which was elsewhere denied. It would be impertinent and preposterous for us to attempt any interference in these professional and official discussions: but we may truly observe that some of the points are very essential to the welfare of our navy; and that the reasoning and facts adduced in this publication amply intitle it to attention, while its temperate spirit (under circumstances certainly of provocation) is equally worthy of praise. G.2. POETRY.