achieved an 85-percent launch success rate.57

The Army also developed the Redstone rocket during this same period, a missile capable of sending a small warhead a maximum of 500 miles. Built under the direction of von Braun and his German rocket team in the early 1950s, the Redstone took many features from the V-2, added an engine from the Navaho test missile, and incorporated some of the electronic components from other rocket test programs. The first Redstone was launched from Cape Canaveral, Florida, on August 20, 1953. An additional 36 Redstone launches took place through 1958. This rocket led to the development of the Jupiter C, an intermediate-range ballistic missile that could deliver a nuclear warhead to a target after a non-orbital flight through space. Its capability for this mission was tested on May 16, 1958, when combat-ready troops first fired the rocket. The missile was placed on active service with U.S. units in Germany the next month, and served until 1963. The Redstone later served as the launch vehicle for the first U.S. suborbital launches of astronauts Alan B. Shepard and Gus Grissom in 1961.58

The Development of Ballistic Missiles

During this same era all the U.S. armed services worked toward the fielding of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) that could deliver warheads to targets half a world away. Competition was keen among the services for a mission in the new "high ground” of space, whose military importance was not lost on the leaders of the world. In April 1946 the Army Air Forces gave the Consolidated Vultee Aircraft (Convair) Division a study contract for an ICBM. This led directly to the development of the Atlas ICBM in the 1950s. At first many engineers believed Atlas to be a high-risk proposition. To limit its weight, Convair Corp. engineers under the direction of Karel J. Bossart, a pre-World War II immigrant from Belgium, designed the booster with a very thin, internally pressurized fuselage instead of massive struts and a thick metal skin. The "steel balloon," as it was sometimes called, employed engineering techniques that ran counter to the conservative engineering approach used by Wernher von Braun and his "Rocket Team" at Huntsville, Alabama. Von Braun, according to Bossart, needlessly designed his boosters like "bridges," to withstand any possible shock. For his part, von Braun thought the Atlas was too flimsy to hold up during launch. The reservations began to melt away, however, when Bossart's team pressurized one of the boosters and dared one of von Braun's engineers to knock a hole in it with a sledge hammer. The blow left the booster unharmed, but the recoil from the hammer nearly clubbed the engineer."

The Titan ICBM effort emerged not long thereafter, and proved to be an enormously important ICBM program and later a civil and military space launch asset. To consolidate efforts, Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson issued a decision on November 26, 1956, that effectively took the Army out of the ICBM business and assigned responsibility for land-based systems to the Air Force and sea-launched missiles to the Navy. The Navy immediately stepped up work for the development of the submarine-launched Polaris ICBM, which first successfully operated in January 1960.

The Air Force did the same with land-based ICBMs, and its efforts were already welldeveloped at the time of the 1956 decision. The Atlas received high priority from the White House and hard-driving management from Brigadier General Bernard A. Schriever,

57. Linda Neuman Ezell, NASA Historical Data Book, Vol II: Programs and Projects, 1958-1968 (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4012, 1988), pp. 61-67; Richard P. Hallion, "The Development of American Launch Vehicles Since 1945," in Paul A. Hanle and Von Del Chamberlain, eds., Space Science Comes of Age: Perspectives in the History of the Space Sciences (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1981), pp. 126-27.

58. Wernher von Braun, “The Redstone, Jupiter, and Juno,” in Emme, ed., History of Rocket Technology, pp. 107-121.

59. Richard E. Martin, The Atlas and Centaur "Steel Balloon" Tanks: A Legacy of Karel Bossart (San Diego: General Dynamics Corp., 1989); Robert L. Perry, "The Atlas, Thor, Titan, and Minuteman," in Emme, ed., History of Rocket Technology, pp. 143-55; John L. Sloop, Liquid Hydrogen as a Propulsion Fuel, 1945-1959 (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4404, 1978), pp. 173-77.

a flamboyant and intense Air Force leader. The first Atlas rocket was test fired on June 11, 1955, and a later generation rocket became operational in 1959. These systems were followed in quick succession by the Titan ICBM and the Thor intermediate-range ballistic missile. By the latter 1950s, therefore, rocket technology had developed sufficiently for the creation of a viable ballistic missile capability. This was a revolutionary development that gave humanity for the first time in its history the ability to attack one continent from another. It effectively shrank the size of the globe, and the United States—which had always before been protected from outside attack by two massive oceans-could no longer rely on natural defensive boundaries or distance from its enemies.60

Space and the American Imagination

The development of the United States' rocketry capability, especially with the work on the ICBMs, signaled for the rest of the world that the United States could project military might anywhere in the world. In addition, this military capability could be used for the peaceful projection of a human presence into space. The dreams of Verne and Wells were combined with the pioneering rocketry work of Goddard and Oberth and later developments in technology to create the probability of a dawning space age. Another ingredient entered into this arena, however-imagination, the intangible quality that prompted humans to want to move beyond the atmosphere. There was an especially significant spaceflight "imagination" that came to the fore after World War II and that urged the implementation of an aggressive spaceflight program. It was seen in science fiction books and film, but more importantly, it was fostered by serious and respected scientists, engineers, and politicians. The popular culture became imbued with the romance of spaceflight, and the practical developments in technology reinforced these perceptions that space travel might actually be, for the first time in human history, possible.1

The decade following the war brought a change in perceptions, as most Americans went from skepticism about the probabilities of spaceflight to an acceptance of it as a nearterm reality. This can be seen in the public opinion polls of the era. For instance, in December 1949 Gallup pollsters found that only 15 percent of Americans believed humans would reach the Moon within 50 years, while 15 percent had no opinion and a whopping 70 percent believed that it would not happen within that time. In October 1957, at the same time as the launching of Sputnik I, only 25 percent believed that it would take longer than 25 years for humanity to reach the Moon, while 41 percent believed firmly that it would happen within 25 years and 34 percent were not sure. An important shift in perceptions took place during that era, and it was largely the result of well-known advances in rocket technology coupled with a public relations campaign based on the real possibility of spaceflight.

62

Clearly, one of the most important groups that had been consistently enthralled with the promise of spaceflight were the science fiction aficionados and the futurists, many of whom were one and the same. Many science fiction writers were basically hacks writing for a specialized market, but a few broke the boundaries of the genre in the post-war era and contributed significantly to public perceptions of space travel. Perhaps the three most significant authors in this category were Robert A. Heinlein, Isaac Asimov, and Arthur C. Clarke, all of whom took pains to make their science fiction novels and short stories both believable as reality and exciting as works of literature. They found a ready audience in the

60. This story is told in Edmund Beard, Developing the ICBM: A Study in Bureaucratic Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976); Jacob Neufeld, Ballistic Missiles in the United States Air Force, 1945-1960 (Washington, DC: Office of Air Force History, 1990).

61. This is the thesis of William Sims Bainbridge, The Spaceflight Revolution: A Sociological Study (New York: Wiley, 1976). See also Willy Ley and Chesley Bonestell, The Conquest of Space (New York: Viking, 1949).

62. George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 1935-1971 (New York: Random House, 1972), 1:875,

environment of the Cold War, as ever-increasing numbers of Americans could both envision and understand the advance of technology and technocracy, and the merger of bureaucratic and technical expertise in government. Asimov, for one, featured robots in his writings, something more and more Americans could understand as machines of all types took over an ever-increasing part of the workload. Both Asimov and Heinlein played out their stories within the context of complex galactic politics, not unlike those perceived by Americans in the world situation.6

Asimov and Clarke also bridged the gap between science fiction and science fact in some very fundamental ways. They each wrote both fiction and popular scientific studies relative to spaceflight, physics, and astronomy. They also identified some interesting potential uses for space technology. For example, in February 1945 Clarke described the use of the German V-2 as a launcher for ionospheric research, even as the war was going on. He specifically suggested that by putting a second stage on a V-2 the rocket could generate enough velocity to launch a small satellite into orbit. "Both of these developments demand nothing in the way of technical resources," he wrote, adding that they "should come within the next five or ten years." He later described the possibility of placing three satellites in geosynchronous orbit 120 degrees apart to "give television and microwave coverage to the entire planet." Later that same year Clarke elaborated on the communications implications of satellites and set in motion the ideas that eventually led to the global communications system first put in place during the 1960s.

65

Another important way in which the U.S. public became aware that flight into space was a possibility revolved around the rise of films depicting space travel that were firmly rooted in scientific reality. One of the keys in this process was the work of film producerdirector George Pal, a master of special effects, who made several space-oriented movies in the 1950s. Especially memorable were two films, The Day the Earth Stood Still (1950), directed by Robert Wise, in which the benevolent alien Klaatu warns the Earth to shape up and control its aggressiveness by disarming, and Forbidden Planet (1956), about the extinct Krell superintelligent society and the Monster from the Id." These films excited the public with ideas of spaceflight, exploration, and contact with alien civilizations. It is often easy to forget that these sophisticated visions of space travel occurred before Sputnik.

Even more important than science fiction literature and film were the public writings and speeches of serious and respected scientists, engineers, and politicians who fostered dreams of spaceflight. Among the most important of these was Wernher von Braun, ensconced in his Army rocket center at Huntsville, Alabama. Von Braun, in addition to being a superbly effective technological entrepreneur within the governmental system, by the early 1950s had learned and was applying daily the skills of public relations on behalf of space travel. His background as a serious rocket engineer, a German emigré, a handsome aristocrat, and a charismatic leader all combined to create a positive impression on the U.S. public. When he managed to seize the powerful print and electronic communication media that the science fiction writers and film makers had been using, no one during the 1950s was a more effective promoter of spaceflight to the public than von Braun.

In 1952 von Braun burst on the broad public stage with a series of articles in Collier's

63. Sam Moskowitz, "The Growth of Science Fiction from 1900 to the early 1950s," in Frederick I. Ordway III and Randy Lieberman, eds., Blueprint for Space: Science Fiction to Science Fact (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992), pp. 69-82; Eric Burgess, "Into Space," Aeronautics, November 1946, pp. 52-57.

64. Arthur C. Clarke, "V2 for Ionospheric Research?," Wireless World, February 1945, p. 58.

65. Arthur C. Clarke, “Extra-Terrestrial Relays: Can Rocket Stations Give World-Wide Radio Coverage?," Wireless World, October 1945, pp. 305-308.

66. On Pal's career see, Gail Morgan Hickman, The Films of George Pal (South Berwick: A.S. Barnes, 1977); Robert A. Heinlein, "Shooting Destination Moon," Astounding Science Fiction, July 1950, p. 6.

67. W.J. Stuart, Forbidden Planet (New York: Farrar, Straus & Cudahy, 1956); H. Bates, "Farewell to the Master," Astounding Science Fiction, October 1940, p. 58ff.

68. See, as an example of his exceptionally sophisticated spaceflight promoting, Wernher von Braun, The Mars Project (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1953), based on a German-language series of articles appearing in the magazine Weltraumfahrt in 1952.

magazine about the possibilities of spaceflight. The genesis of this series began innocently enough. In 1951 Willy Ley, a former member of the German VfR and himself a skilled promoter of spaceflight, organized a Space Travel Symposium that took place on Columbus Day at the Hayden Planetarium in New York City. Ley wrote to participants that "the time is now ripe to make the public realize that the problem of space travel is to be regarded as a serious branch of science and technology," and he urged them to emphasize that fact in their lectures." By happenstance, two Collier's writers attended this meeting. They were most impressed with the ideas presented and suggested to Collier's managing editor, Gordon Manning, that his magazine publish several articles promoting the scientific possibility of spaceflight. Recognizing that this idea might have real appeal, Manning asked an assistant editor, Cornelius Ryan, to organize some discussions with Ley and others, among them von Braun. Out of this came a series of important Collier's articles over a two-year period, each expertly illustrated with striking images by some of the best illustrators of the era.70

The first issue of Collier's devoted to space appeared on March 22, 1952. In it readers were asked "What Are We Waiting For?" and were urged to support an aggressive space program. An editorial suggested that spaceflight was possible, not just science fiction, and that it was inevitable that humanity would venture outward. It framed the exploration of space in the context of the Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union and concluded that "Collier's believes that the time has come for Washington to give priority of attention to the matter of space superiority. The rearmament gap between the East and West has been steadily closing. And nothing, in our opinion, should be left undone that might guarantee the peace of the world. It's as simple as that."" [I-13]

Von Braun led off the Collier's issue with an impressionistic article describing the overall features of an aggressive spaceflight program. He advocated the orbiting of an artificial satellite to learn more about spaceflight followed by the first orbital flights by humans, development of a reusable spacecraft for travel to and from Earth orbit, the building of a permanently inhabited space station, and finally human exploration of the Moon and planets by spacecraft launched from the space station. [I-14] Willy Ley and several other writers then followed with elaborations on various aspects of spaceflight, ranging from technological viability to space law to biomedicine." The series concluded with a special issue of the magazine devoted to Mars, in which von Braun and others described how to get there and predicted what might be found based on recent scientific data.” [I-15, I-16]

The Collier's series catapulted von Braun into the public spotlight like none of his previous research activities had been able to do. The magazine was one of the four highestcirculation periodicals in the United States during the early 1950s, with over 3 million copies produced each week. If estimates of readership were indeed four or five people per copy, as the magazine claimed, something on the order of 15 million people were exposed to these spaceflight ideas. Collier's, seeing that it had a potential blockbuster, did its part by hyping the series with window ads of the space artwork appearing in the magazine, sending out more than 12,000 press releases, and preparing media kits. It set up interviews on radio and television for von Braun and the other space writers, but especially von Braun, whose natural charisma and enthusiasm for spaceflight translated well through that medium. Von Braun appeared on NBC's "Camel News Caravan" with John Cameron Swayze, on NBC's "Today" show with Dave Garroway, and on CBS's "Gary Moore" program. While Collier's was interested in selling magazines with these public appearances, von Braun was

69. Willy Ley to Heinz Haber, et al., June 13, 1951, Hayden Planetarium Library, New York, NY.

70. On these articles see Randy Liebermann, "The Collier's and Disney Series," in Ordway and Leibermann, eds., Blueprint for Space, pp. 135-44.

71. "What Are We Waiting For?," Collier's, March 22, 1952, p. 23.

72. "Man Will Conquer Space Soon" series, Collier's, March 22, 1952, pp. 23-76ff.

73. Wernher von Braun with Cornelius Ryan, "Can We Get to Mars?," Collier's, April 30, 1954, pp. 22-28.

interested in selling the idea of space travel to the public.

74

Following close on the heels of the Collier's series, Walt Disney Productions contacted von Braun-through Willy Ley-and asked his assistance in the production of three shows for Disney's weekly television series. The first of these, "Man in Space," premiered on Disney's show on March 9, 1955, with an estimated audience of 42 million. The second show, “Man and the Moon," also aired in 1955 and sported the powerful image of a wheel-like space station as a launching point for a mission to the Moon. The final show, "Mars and Beyond," premiered on December 4, 1957, after the launching of Sputnik I. Von Braun appeared in all three films to explain his concepts for human spaceflight, while Disney's characteristic animation illustrated the basic principles and ideas with wit and humor."

While some scientists and engineers criticized von Braun for his blatant promotion of both spaceflight and himself, the Collier's series of articles and especially the three Disney television programs were exceptionally important in changing public attitudes toward spaceflight. Media observers noted the favorable response to the three Disney shows from the public, and recognized that "the thinking of the best scientific minds working on space projects today" went into them, "making the picture[s] more fact than fantasy.'

1976

Although an overstatement, some have suggested that the airing of the first Disney space film on March 9, 1955, contributed to President Dwight D. Eisenhower's July 1955 decision to embrace the launching of a scientific satellite as part of the U.S.'s contribution to research during the International Geophysical Year (IGY) in 1957-1958. [I-17] When Disney studio executives wanted to emphasize this possibility, however, von Braun told them, "For God's sake don't put it that this show triggered the presidential announcement." He was apparently concerned that Eisenhower might be embarrassed at the suggestion that a media event influenced his support for the IGY satellite." Regardless of the impetus for Eisenhower's decision, von Braun and the Disney series helped shape the public's perception of spaceflight as something that was no longer fantasy.

Closely tied to the growing public perception of spaceflight as a possibility in the 1950s was the postwar Unidentified Flying Object (UFO) craze that took place in the United States. Between 1947 and 1960 a total of 6,523 UFO sightings were reported in the United States. Many people considered them to be of extraterrestrial origin. The reports slowly began to increase, with 79 reported in 1947, and remained stable until 1951, when 1,501 were recorded. There seems to be a direct tie between public perception of the reality of space travel and these UFO sightings, especially when considering that 701 of the 1957 reports came after the launch of Sputnik I on October 4.78

The U.S. Air Force considered the UFO phenomenon significant enough to begin in December 1947 a project to investigate occurrences, especially with a view to learn if "some foreign nation had a form of propulsion possibly nuclear, which is outside our domestic knowledge."" Although the researchers recognized the possibility that the UFOs might be extraterrestrial, few thought it was probable and emphasized explanations of the phenomena that were more earthly. For instance, the Scientific Advisory Panel of the Central Intel

74. Liebermann, "The Collier's and Disney Series," in Ordway and Liebermann, Blueprint for Space, p. 141; Ron Miller, "Days of Future Past," Omni, October 1986, pp. 76-81.

75. Liebermann, "The Collier's and Disney Series," in Ordway and Liebermann, Blueprint for Space, pp. 144-46; David R. Smith, "They're Following Our Script: Walt Disney's Trip to Tomorrowland," Future, May 1978, pp. 59-60; Mike Wright, "The Disney-Von Braun Collaboration and Its Influence on Space Exploration," paper presented at conference, “Inner Space, Outer Space: Humanities, Technology, and the Postmodern World,” February 12-14, 1993; Willy Ley, Rockets, Missiles, and Space Travel (New York: The Viking Press, 1961 ed.), p. 331. 76. TV Guide, March 5, 1955, p. 9.

77. Wernher von Braun to Ward Kimball, August 30, 1955, quoted in Smith, "They're Following Our Script," p. 59. This episode has been discussed in Rip Bulkeley, The Sputniks Crisis and Early United States Space Policy (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 128-29.

78. Lawrence J. Tacker, Flying Saucers and the U.S. Air Force (Princeton: D. van Nostrand Co., 1960), p. 82. 79. Lt. Gen. Nathan F. Twining, Commander Air Material Command, to Commanding General, Army Air Forces, "Flying Discs," September 23, 1947, reprinted in Edward U. Condon, Final Report of the Scientific Study of Unidentified Flying Objects (New York: Bantam Books, 1969), p. 895. The letter setting up the study is Maj. Gen. L.C. Craigie to Commanding General, Wright Field, "Flying Discs," December 30, 1947, in Condon, Final Report, pp. 896-97.