The above all are indirect remedies whose effects will require time to be felt. To come down to things which more directly affect the parties in question, and which seek to re move some of the existing difficulties. First, the assessment and taxation laws. To-day, when a poor man has a home or a home or a farm mortgaged for a part of its value, he is taxed for the property and the holder of the mortgage for its face. Let the mortgaged property be assessed at its true value, and taxed for this amount less the face of the mortgage. Let the property of rich and poor bear their just proportion of these burdens. Allow a note or mortgage to be outlawed and uncollectable if it has not borne its share of taxes as witnessed by the assessor's stamp. In this connection I would advocate the establishment of a legacy tax. That is on the death of the owner, a tax of 5 per cent. on all fortunes of $100,000, and over, up to $200,000. Then a tax of 10 per cent.; on fortunes above a million, let the taxes be increased to 20 per cent. This would not be oppressive to the heirs, would considerably reduce the burden of taxation and would render impossible the perpetuation of immense private fortunes which were the ruin of Rome, and are the bane of England and Ireland to-day. Second, I would advocate the publishing in our papers, labor market reports, similar to the commodity reports of the present time. The reports might read something like this: Wages of this class so much per day; supply good; demand good. Wages of that class so much per day; supply poor; demand large, etc. While fully recognized the immobility of labor, yet it should have the largest possible chance to better its condition. Moreover, this publication would tend to equalize the wages in different parts of our country mation dovoutly to be desired. Next we should have laws enacted which would prevent the unholy speculation in food products, corners and trading in futures. This will tax the ingenuity of the law-makers, but that it is necessary I think all will agree. These ghouls endeavor, by every means in their power, to bring about fluctuations in the prices of the staple articles of food, while every change seriously aggravates any industrial difficulties existing and a consum wrings from the poor and needy a cry of suffering and woe. Then, too, we should have laws against the "watering of stock" and the floating of the market of such which has not the absolute property behind it. 66 Many corporations are organized for floating stocks and with a glowing prospectus the stock is floated. The result, under such circumstances, is disasterous to all engaged and the morals of the community in which such transactions take place are more or less damaged." Fourth, The establishment of boards of arbitration similar to Prud Hommes, of France. These are composed of employers and laborers, and their decisions are enforced by civil sanctions. The Prud Hommes consist of two committees, a general and a special; the latter meets weekly, takes cognizance of all disputes and gives its decisions in a short time. If the decision is not satisfactory, it is carried to the general board, which meets at stated times and the decisions here are final. These tribunals in France have settled over ninety-five per cent. of the disputes between employer and workmen, which, considering the hot temperament of the French character, is remarkable. Lastly, the scheme of profit-sharing seems to me to be one of the best remedies yet offered for solving this industrial problem. It is an outgrowth of co-operation. Co-operation, pure and simple, is a communistic plan, where all are put on the same level, and each looks after the interests of his fellow. Profit-sharing, on the other hand, puts all on a just eqality, allows the full working of the principle of self interest, and inculcates habits of saving, thrift, economy and industry. Briefly it is this: "The employer shall receive the prevailing rate of interest on his actual capital as a part of the legitimate expenses of production. The workmen receive the ordinary rate of wages. For the skill, knowledge and manageinent of the proprietor, and for his being liable to the risks of the establishment, he is entitled to a larger share of the profits. Under this system, while the workingmen, taking no risks of the enterprise, except that of employment, are entitled to the smaller share of profits but the two forces together arrange for a division of the profits on a just and equitable basis." This system is very simple in itself, just to all the parties concerned, and is a combination of all that is good in the wage system and cooperation applied to production. It has been tried and nearly always with success. Work has been steadier and more sure. Each man feels himself a man. The employer looks on his workmen in the true light as associates. This system has an excellent effect on the morals of the workmen; it stimulates hopefulness and cheerfulness in the laborer. It brings out the best moral elements of both workmen and employer. Conflict ceases and harmony takes the place of disturbance. "It converts the industrial association of employer and employes into a moral organism in which all the various talents, services and desires of the component individuals are fused into a community of purpose and endeavor." The two great causes, then, of our present industrial conditions are the oppressions of capital through a long continued period, and the vehement retaliation of labor against this oppression. The two great remedies are compulsory education in proper direction, and profit sharing. And now in conclusion let me say, if I have not handled this subject in a way you had expected, or if some of my schemes are crude and uncouth, remember my head is not encircled with a hoary crown indicative of wisdom; I have not brought to this subject extended study, deep thought, nor a life-long experience. The subject is such a large one that one could not expect much within the limits we are allowed. Besides it is receiving so much attention that it is hard, as a friend said the other day, to get anything new upon it. But it is one of the most important questions before the country to-day, and yet it is only in its incipiency. It is destined to try the foundations of government. We are not like the countries of the old world, with an imperial power and a mighty mailed hand, in the shape of a standing army, to do our beck and bidding; to overawe the rabble into submission when they become too bold. Here the poorest man is a Sovereign with the ballot in his hand. It has been the custom of the young generation to envy their forefathers in the heroic work they had to do in laying and rearing the foundations of this government; and to rail against the times, because they have not the same chance to make themselves heroic like their progenitors. But I say unto you, here is a field of labor as wide as the earth, and as far-reaching as human existence. Here is a work as heroic as any of the Crusaders ever conceived. Here a battle ground where Titans must wage the contest. And on how well you do your work depends the future stability of our government. Shirk the work and the grandeur of the beginning will pale into a close of ruin and chaos. Meet it boldly and work it out rightly, and we will continue our march onward and upward- a glorious example to the whole world. Lo! plenty ripens round us, yet awakes the cry for bread Yea, too, on lighted streets, where stand homes of comfort and love, uniformed policemen must watch less the firey vandalls who skulk from shade to shade, rob not the passerby of life, and lay their homes in ruins. In mighty factories which supply the world with produce, puny children and sickly women work their lives away, putting their life blood into the cloth they wear, while their sisters fritter their lives away in idleness or fashion. All about us we see stalwart men, as well as the weak, toiling day in and day out in order that the wolf may be driven from the door, while their brothers lord it over them or live a useless life in gaiety and pleasure. Here then is the problem. To give to those who have naught when there is plenty for all, and to instil the principle. "Peace on earth, good will toward men. DISCUSSION. Mr. Anderson-Mr. Chairman; I have been so well pleased with that paper, that I think it is unnecessary for any person to discuss it. It certainly has thrown out some of the finest hints to us farmers of any paper I have heard. There is only one thing that I think the paper lacks, and that was in saying nothing about the farmers having education in their branch of industry. He recognized the necessity of schools for education in the mechanic arts, but not in the greatest of arts, and in which it is more needed than in any other art or occupation in this land, and that is, in agriculture. I hope to see the farmer as well educated as the mechanic or the business man or the professional man. And as the population of our cities is increasing much faster than the population of the country, and there is so much dissatisfaction in the cities among the working classes, I think that perhaps the safety and the welfare of this whole country may finally depend upon an intelligent, conservative rural population. To have such, we must have schools to educate those young men who want to live upon their farms, that is, educate them in their own branch of industry. Wisconsin hasn't got those, and she ought to have; and I want to say here, to the members of this legislature, that if you do your duty to your constituents and the state of Wisconsin, you will not long let her hang behind such states as Michigan and other states. Therefore, found agricultural schools and colleges. Our rural population needs this education, and ought to demand it, and, as I said before, the time may come, and come sooner than we expect, that the city population will overturn our institutions in this country, unless we have an intelligent, conservative, rural population to counteract them. Now, the wealthy men of this country are as much interested in this rural population and this education as we are, if it come into riot, as it undoubtedly will come unless there is a change between the powers of capital and labor, as has been recently exhibited. Another thing I would recommend in that paper is this: Any taxation of a farmer for what he owes as well as for |