and then only for a few days or weeks. No crop whatever can be made, gathered and sent to market with such laborers. Our sole reliance hereafter, as heretofore, for farm hands, must be on the negroes. The two races at the South now understand fully their relations to each other, and must make the most of those relations. They are mutually dependent. The Freedmen cannot live without the products of the land, and can, in general, only procure those products by laboring for white landowners, for Freedmen own very little land. But lands are wholly unproductive without labor, and hence landowners (at least the owners of large tracts, such as usually constitute farms in the South) are as dependent on the Freedmen for their labor as they are on the landowners for employment, either as tenants or hired hands. Both the Whites and the Freedmen seeing this state of things, should, and probably will, with a view to their mutual interest, cultivate kindly and amicable relations, and frown down all attempts to excite antipathy and hostility of race between ⚫ them. Dependent as we are, and shall continue to be, on negro labor, we should by kind and humane treatment, coupled with exact and rigid discipline, do all in our power to keep them among us, to improve their morals and their intelligence, and to multiply their numbers. Some of them will acquire independent properties, and become useful, moral, intelligent, and respectable citizens; for the avenues to wealth are equally open to them as to the whites. The example of such will be an incentive to all to diligent industry and provident habits. On the other hand, severe penal laws, rigidly enforced, applying equally to blacks and whites, will deter most of them from crime. More of the whites than formerly will be demoralized by association with the vicious portion of the Freedmen, and the Freedmen, having no masters to enforce morality among them, will, unless checked by many and severe penal laws, become much more immoral and vicious than when in a state of slavery. Our criminal codes, applying equally to blacks and whites, must be revised, increased in severity, and rigidly and inexorably enforced by our courts and juries. Vagrant laws deserve especial attention, revisal and enforcement. Punish the Freedmen in all cases for criminal conduct, and encourage them by kind, humane, attentive and liberal treatment when they behave well, and it is quite possible we may make them as good laborers as the white workingmen of Europe or the North. When the Federal troops and the Freedmen's Bureau are withdrawn from the South, the negroes will be left in a state of great apprehension and alarm. Many of them, trusting to the protection of those troops and of that Bureau, have been guilty of great insolence and wrongs to our white citizens, and they fear that when they are removed the whites will visit indiscriminate punishment and revenge on the whole race. It will be our first and most imperative duty to let "by-gones be by-gones," to recollect that under the exultation of newly-acquired liberty, with Federal armies, and a Federal press and Congress to back and uphold them, boastful insolence and insubordination on their parts wero

quite natural.

White Freedmen, similarly circumstanced, would have acted much worse. The negroes are, even now, behaving far better than the liberated serfs of England behaved for centuries after their manumission. Most of them were nomadic banditti, hordes of vagabonds, beggars, thieves, robbers, and murderers, up to the time of the Tudors. There is quite a large area of land in grain and cotton now in the South. The crops look well, and have been cultivated chiefly by Freedmen. They will work better in the future if we treat them properly. The collisions between the races, for the last year, have been brought on in all instances by vicious and turbulent negroes. Such will not be the case after the Federal troops are removed. The danger then of collisions and massacre will arise from vicious whites, who will attack the negroes because they think them defenceless, or from whites who suffered injury and insult from the blacks during the occupation of the country by the Federals. We must have a strong police force of prudent, discrect men, in the towns and in the country, to take the place of the Federal troops so soon as they are withdrawn; and it must be the especial duty of this police to prevent the whites from wreaking vengeance, however deserved, on the blacks; for by so doing, the negroes might be driven to desperation, and a war of races might arise more terrible than the war through which we have just passed. The laborers of a country are its only valuable property, for nothing possesses value except labor, and its results. Take away labor, and houses and lands, and everything else, cease to have exchangeable value. In very truth, the laborers of a country are its only real capital, for that which has no value is not capital. It makes no difference whether the laborers be (so-called) free, or slaves. All laborers are alike slaves. The free, slaves to skill and capital; the slaves, to individual masters. Now we have few laborers at the South except the Freedmen. If we exterminate them, or drive them off by bad treatment, most of our lands would not be worth a rush. We take good care of other live stock, and human laborers are the most valuable of all live stock. We should take the best care of them, and endeavor to increase their numbers. Mr. Greeley says, "Every imported white laborer is worth a thousand dollars to the North." In the South, one negro laborer, be he free or not, is worth three white laborers. We must not only have a strong police, and jails, &c., to punish the vagrant and vicious negroes, but we must also have charitable institutions, and good poorhouses, to take care of the weak, aged and infirm negroes. must dismiss at once all hatred of a race which, if well treated, will go far to support us all. In the Island of Barbadoes, where all the lands are arable, and all owned by the whites, the liberated negroes were compelled to work harder, and to produce more, after liberation than when slaves. They are now more valuable to the landowners as (so-called) free laborers than they were as slaves. Such is the case now in the Cotton States with those who, before the war, relied on hired negro labor. Negroes hire now for much less than

We

before the war, although cotton sells for almost three times as much now as then. If the negroes behave well, the profits to the landowner cannot be less than double the profits made from hired labor before the war. If so, lands in the Cotton States will, in time, be worth double as much as before the war, and will continue at that value so long as negroes hire as low as now, and cotton commands its present price. Indeed, we learned from a gentleman from Red River that lands have rented there as high as fifteen to twenty dollars per acre. With negro hire at fifteen dollars per month, and cotton at thirty cents a pound, good land there should rent for more than that amount. In England they fully understand the value of workingmen, and undertook at once to give a liberal support to some half million of them, thrown out of employment by the American war, and consequent dearth of cotton. Emigration to America and Australia is rendering labor scarce and high in England, and emigration to the North-west is having the same effect at the North-east. Negroes have, few of them, means or intelligence sufficient to enable them to emigrate, but contractors and other employers are carrying off large numbers of them to New York and other Northern States. They are far more reliable, tractable, docile, and efficient laborers on canals and railroads, in coal and iron mines, and for all coarse common labor than whites, and may readily be hired for a third less than whites. If we do not speedily enact such laws and make such other provisions as shall satisfy the Freedmen that after the withdrawal of the Federal forces they will be safe, se cure, and well treated here, there will be a panic and stampede among them, and they will go off to the North with the Federal troops. Northern capitalists will readily pay their passage. They want cheap, obedient, tractable labor; and, we have no doubt, will extend to them the (nominal) right of suffrage, in order to allure them 'northwards. Like all laborers, they will have to vote as their bosses and landlords require. They stand the climate of the North quite as well as white men. Man is an ubiquitous animal. Indians, Mongolians, Whites, and Negroes are equally healthy under the Equator and within the Arctic circle. The Yankees set our negroes free, and are now stealing them. We must look to this and guard against it.

We know from frequent conversations with many of the Freedmen that they are in great dread of cruel persecution, and even of massacre from the whites, so soon as the Federal forces are removed. They know many are angry with them merely on account of their emancipation; many more, because hundreds of thousands of them bore arms against their masters; and still more, because of the insolence of many of the Freedmen since our country has been occupied by the Federals. They know that they have given many and heavy causes of offence, and tremble at the thought of a terrible retribution. As Christians, as civilized and humane men, as chivalrous and magnanimous Southrons, let us freely and cordially forgive the poor ignorant creatures for all the

past. They knew not what they did, and were mere puppets in the hands of our cruel, savage enemies. They were continually urged to servile insurrection and massacre of their masters, yet wonderful to tell, no attempts of the kind were made by them. They were satisfied, contented, and happy, and had liberty forced upon them by men who hated alike the blacks and the whites of the South. If considerations of Christianity, honor, and humanity did not suffice to induce us to guarantee to them forgiveness, protection, and kind treatment, then, looking to mere selfish interests and pecuniary considerations, and we shall find abundant reasons for at once adopting such measures as shall make them feel safe and secure in the future. The danger we shall have to apprehend after the withdrawal of the Federal troops will arise from the ruined, insulted, and exasperated whites, not directly at least from the Freedmen; but an efficient police and well-organized militia will remove all cause of danger arising from the misconduct of either race.

The Freedmen are with us, and will remain with us if we treat them with justice and humanity. If we frighten them off we shall be without labor, and our ruin will then be complete.

ART. VIII.-THE AGE OF REASON AND RADICALISM. HUME was not only the boldest, but the ablest and most ingenious reasoner of modern times. If he believed his own speculative reasoning, he was less of the philosopher than any sane man who ever lived, except, perhaps, his compeer, Bishop Berkeley; less of a philosopher, because he excluded all faith or belief not founded on reason. The result was, that he and the Bishop, by the most unanswerable ratiocination, demonstrated that there is no material world, no earth, no moon, no sun, no stars, no bodily existence. Employing reason untrammeled and unrestricted by faith, they very logically reduced all existence, the universe itself, to a parcel of vagrant, undefinable, incomprehensible ideas. Nobody ever did, nor, from the nature of our being, ever possibly can, believe in the conclusions at which they so logically arrived; for belief in our own physical existence, and of an extraneous material world, is intuitive, instinctive, necessitous, and was never doubted for a moment by either Hume or Berkeley, any more than by the rest of mankind.

It is no objection whatever to belief in the existence of a material world that such belief is contrary to reason. Hume would tell us so if he were living. Nor can it be any objection to belief in miracles, that such faith or belief is contrary to reason. Hume having demonstrated that reason is an utterly deceptive, false and fallacious guide in the pursuit of truth, has thereby amply refuted his reasoning, to show that all miracles are incredible. Grant that he has shown that miracles are contrary to reason, he has not thereby advanced an inch in proving that they are untrue or unworthy of

belief, any more than he has induced doubt of the existence of a material world, by demonstrating that such a world is unreasonable, and therefore false.

We do not write this essay to prove the truth of the Christian miracles; that has often been done by abler pens than ours. Our object is to show the danger of relying too much on reason in the pursuit of truth. To reason is part of our moral and intellectual nature; but our reasoning, our speculations, our theories, should always be limited and restricted in some degree by faith, authority, precedent, prescription, experience, and common sense. Reason not thus limited, balanced, and counterpoised, always leads to false, and often to dangerous, conclusions. Whatever is purely and only reasonable is false. To arrive at correct practical conclusions, we must combine faith with reason. But reason restricted by faith ceases to be mere reason. We therefore repeat what we have often before maintained, "that whatever is reasonable is false." All the sages and poilosophers, from the days of Socrates and Solomon to those of Hume, had seen, felt, and lamented that reason would not conduct to truth. Hume has demonstrated by the "reductio ad absurdum” what other philosophers only saw and felt.

Faith and reason are the two great antinomes that, by their opposing and concurrent forces, control and govern the moral world. Excess of either is noxious and dangerous. But we live in the age of reason, of bold and rash speculation. Every bloody revolution in Christendom, as well in Church as in State, for the last three hundred years, has been brought about by following the too often deceptive guide of reason. And reason now, except in the South, is everywhere busily at work in undermining and upsetting all laws, governments, faiths and institutions, with no visible results except the shedding of blood, and the rapid and vast increase of pauperism.

The banner of faith went down when the South was conquered, and we expect, ere long, we shall have a Reign of Terror and a Goddess of Reason throughout Christendom.

ART. IX.-THE COTTON SUPPLY.

NEXT to the political questions growing out of our late war and the conflicting feelings and interests of sections and parties, the unsettled condition of which have placed us in a lamentable state of uncertainty and apprehension for the future, we know of no one subject upon which so many of our countrymen are at this time interested as upon that of the immediate future of the supply of what was the great Southern product, and yet it is the only hope of its planters to fill their depleted pockets, besides being a matter of deep interest as well to those whose spindles and looms are hoarding wealth for their owners by its manufacture, as to those whose business it is