an outrage upon the rights of the community, while we punish an injury to the rights of an individual.

There cannot exist two codes of morals, one for political, and another for private life. The same sentiment of justice which sways a man in the transactions of business, controls his action upon the theatre of public affairs. If its manifes tations are necessary to the safe conduct of business, they are also necessary in the discharge of the duties of citizen, ship. If honesty "is the best policy" for a man individually, it is also the best for men collectively.

The American people ought not to draw their examples in this respect from practices under the political institutions of the old world.

Those governments are founded in fraud, in a denial of man's natural rights, in a deprivation of his liberties. Hav. ing their inception in wrong, it is probable that fraud is ne. cessary to their continuance. Wrong lies at the foundation, and it is to be expected that it should be continued in the su perstructure. A people consenting to be cheated out of their rights by the very constitution of their goverment, may be expected to be duped, during its administration. So that the arts and practices of the Rulers of Europe are ill adpat ed to the institutions of this country.

Right and justice are the basis of our constitution-these must be employed in rearing and sustaining the superstruc ture of our Government. A republican government cannot be sustained where ignorance is general, or corruption pre

vails.

Imbued with this sentiment the citizen approaches the polls of an election. He has examined each question involved by his vote-he deposits it. If he were an honest man when he left his home, he returns to it an honest No shameful rumor of his fraud or violence follows him to the threshold of that home. No just indignation awaits him, when he again appears among his fellow citi

man.

zens.

His presence is again welcome at the polls. It is: good for the republic that he should come there.

R

Suppose a party to carry an election by violence or fraud -the leaders of that party may ensure to themselves for a limited period, office or emolument. They have defrauded their opponents they have employed arts by which a wrong principle has been sanctioned-or an improper individual has been elevated to office. They have triumphed--but over whom and what? They have triumphed over themselves, and over right and justice. Have they gained any thing?. Their gain is small and temporary-their loss great and permanent. They have gained no more than the thief who steals his neighbors property, and forfeits both reputation and liberty for his offence.

What arrays political parties in opposition to each other? There can be but one legitimate cause of division—and that is, an honest difference of opinion upon matters of political

concern.

Men's minds are differently constituted: they are not expected to agree in every thing. They are required to act from the same motive, to wit-a desire to serve the public interest, but they cannot be expected to agree, always as to the mode, of accomplishing the greatest good to the state.

How is this difference to be settled? By candid examination and temperate discussion of the question in disputeby an upright judgment formed in the mind of each voter, upon which he bases his vote. All this is the business of reason-not of passion. The higher nature of man is here called into exercise, to wit-his reasoning faculties and his moral sentiments. No brute force can be profitably em. ployed in this business. The entire animal can be dispensed with. Neither the voice nor fist require to be elevated. The public interest can be vindicated without public abuse -the public morals can be preserved without gross immoral. ity. The press need not state any falshoods-nor make

any

unworthy appeals to the base passions of the ignorant. There need be nothing said about rich and poor-the conversation had better be concerning the good and bad-the right and the wrong. We need no large types and inflammatory handbills-no slander nor libels-no effigies nor processions-no drums nor fifes. The business of reason can be very well conducted without any such aids. A man can think and decide correctly, without this mode of intellectual quickening.

Appeals by the public press to passion and prejudice ought to be discountenanced. Newspapers ought not to be encouraged, the integrity of whose conduct cannot be relied upon. The press is a great moral engine: it should be wrested from unworthy hands. Public virtue must restrain its abuse.

An enlightened and virtuous people will not tolerate a press which abuses its freedom by degenerating into licentiousness.

The press is free-it can endure no censorship but that of enlightened public sentiment. Restrained by this it will minister to the public virtue-and wield its immense power in elevating the condition, and promoting the happiness of the human race.

If a people justly complain of the corruption of the press, what is this but evidence, that there is an appetite for evil in the community, to which the press ministers? Let the appetite be corrected, and a licentious press will cease. Destroy the demand in the public mind for the false and impure essays of the press, and they will not be produced for

market.

An intelligent May the Amer

A correct people will have a correct press. people an enlightened one-and the reverse. ican people never have occasion to utter the complaint, that by guaranteeing the liberty of the press, they lost their

own!

3. In conclusion, it seems proper to speak of the impor.

tance of requiring the highest moral and intellectual qualities in those who are to be promoted to official stations.

These are too often overlooked. Moral endowments are not required, to the extent that the public interest demands. There may be too great an admiration of what is called talent and too much confidence may be based upon it. Great intellectual power is necessary to perform the duties of high official station; but this alone is not enough. "With the talents of an angel" a man may be wanting in respect to the moral sentiments. Where this is the case, intellectual power may become an instrument of evil. High capacity for the public service, may be perverted to answer the purpose of private ambition, or undue gain.

The higher sentiments must control the man-they are supreme and intellect without their healthy impulse and direction is as likely to be active for evil as for good.

No man can be said to be truly great, who is not characterized by moral excellence. Our moral, is our higher nature, to which all our faculties ought to be brought into subservience.

If intellect subserves the baser passions of our nature alone, it may make us great-but great in evil only. Our moral sentiments are the means by which we approach to sympathy with the Divine Nature. These alone warrant the declaration that man was created in the image of his maker." It is by these that the Divine justice and beneficence are appreciated by man-and the want of these, de prives him of all that is most ennobling in human nature.

Man is chiefly distinguished from the brute creation by his moral attributes. So far as he is deficient in these, he approaches to the level of the lower animals.

Let then this higher nature of man be regarded accord. ing to its importance, whenever the question of election, or appointment to office shall arise. Let us see that the candidate for the people's favor and confidence comes up to the proper standard of high moral endowment. Let us look to

this first, and to his intellectual qualities, or his talents afterwards. If deficient in this great point, we will enquire no further, but reject his claims.

The judicious and enlightened, have long since determin. ed, that Napoleon was by no means as great as Washington, and yet the former possessed more of what is called talent than the latter. But Washington commanded a reverence to which Napoleon was a stranger. The greatness of the one was based upon his moral, and that of the other upon his intellectual, character. Washington's intellectual endowments were sufficient for any position, in which he was placed during his long and eventful public life. But the moral nature of Napoleon was so deficient, that it reacted upon himself and after sacrificing the lives and happiness of millions of the human family, he died the prisoner of nations; a great offender, against whom humanity cried out, and whom justice and even mercy condemned. The interests of the whole human race were promoted by the free and spontaneous action of Washington--while the happiness of the world required that Napoleon should be restrained. How great the contrast! It is, however, but a fair example of the superior excellence of the moral, over the merely intellectual nature of man.

A Republic requires the high moral action, not only of the people themselves, but of all whom they promote to official station.

But the moral attributes of the candidate for office, are not alone to be considered-his mental qualities, and acquirements are next to be tested. "Is he capable?" is the next question to be solved-He is to be elevated above his fellow citizens-is he the man for the place in view? What are his talents-his attainments?

The republic suffers by the appointment of middling men to office. Their official labors are neither well nor promptly performed. As well legislative, as executive, and judicial action, require well endowed and highly cultivated minds.