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ing under this law would be 20,000. There are already 23,000 in training, and about 50,000 or 60,000 more waiting.

Mr. GREEN. I could not say as to that.

Mr. BANKHEAD. When you ask for an appropriation over on the floor I am afraid you will encounter the criticism that the Federal Board has been too liberal in allowing training.

The CHAIRMAN. There are over 24,000 in training now, I was told yesterday. You admit we could not write into the law just what the degree of disability should be? That is to be left to the board. But your idea was that there has not been sufficient response to the complaints of the soldier himself?

Mr. GREEN. I think there has not been speedy action, but I was about to say with reference to this medical examination, that it may be right, as I said, and I do not care to go into their reasons why they will not accept the medical examination given by the War Risk Bureau as it is now conducted; but conceding they are correct in that, there really ought not to be but one examination, and if the War Risk Bureau is not conducting an examination that is sufficiently broad for the purposes of this act, then I am satisfied that the War Risk Bureau would, upon request, conduct such an examination and make it broad enough to cover everything at the time, so that the man would not have to be examined over and over again.

The CHAIRMAN. I take it that you are not wholly in sympathy with all the complaints that are on the part of the soldiers.

Mr. GREEN. No; the soldier is like all the rest of us. We all make complaints sometimes and, while we feel that we are not properly treated, the great body of those who form an impartial judgment think that in our case we are somewhat prejudiced, as we are always liable to be.

The CHAIRMAN. I would take it that if we were to respond to all these complaints there would not be any limit to the demands on the Treasury, because a fellow who has the slightest injury would like to have some recognition and we, as the Congress, must stand by the board in its effort not to have this money misused. I have been told officially that there are some schools where they have a good many ex-service boys in school that are not doing satisfactory work but remain to get the Government's benefaction. I have that from the school officials. Your idea would be that if we had a service man on the board that he would relieve it of such charges and help the board in its decisions?

Mr. GREEN. That is the main point. I have left the last, and, as I think, the most important, until the end. It is that one which the chairman has suggested. We have got all this chorus of complaints, a number of them undoubtedly unfounded, perhaps most of these unfounded, but it is practically impossible to tell whether they are or are not well founded. At all events, prejudice is continually arising in the mind of the soldier against this board.

If we had a service man on that board, a man of standing and a man of capacity, to look over these things himself, and join in these decisions, then when he decided against any of these cases, if he did so decide, that would be the end of it, and the men would be satisfied because they would feel that they were represented as fairly and equally as all the rest; that they had their chance; that they had

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their man there; that they had one who knew all about the situation, and they would acquiesce in his judgment.

Mr. BLANTON. In that connection, suppose he decided in favor of 40 per cent of the cases; would it not create dissatisfaction among the service men in 40 per cent of the cases? For instance, all of us are guilty of partisanship to a greater or less extent. None of us is free from partisanship. The gentleman knows that. We Democrats and we Republicans and we service men all have a certain degree of partisanship in favor of our causes. Would not the service man have that partisanship to this extent?

Mr. GREEN. He might to some extent, but no more than the other three.

Mr. ROBSION. Then, if he did not make such a decision as that, would not that accentuate dissatisfaction?

Mr. GREEN. What decisoin do you mean?

Mr. ROBSION. If he would not uniformly decide in our favor of the service men, and the other members on the board that were disinterested should decide against him, would not that greatly emphasize the dissatisfaction?

Mr. GREEN. I take it he would be at least as much disinterested as the other members on the Board. I take it that the service men, as I said, would then have no excuse for complaint, the enlisted men, those who constitute the greater number of those who are to get the benefit from this act. If this man is going to be unfair and partial, then you have constituted a board that is unfair and partial, and it is merely a question of everybody grabbing what they can. I do not think that anybody that is on the Board feels in that kind of a way.

Mr. DONOVAN. Is it not true that the men that are on the board have less reason to be personally selfish about it than a man that would be particularly representing the soldier? Would he not have one groove to work in, the soldier that would be on the board, and would not these educators and experts on the board have a greater catholic, universal view of it than one man that only looks in one groove and works in one groove for the soldier alone, and whose perception would be apt to be narrow?

Mr. GREEN. You are making an excellent argument for reconstituting the whole board. I would be glad to see that done, if you should see fit to do it, but that can not be done. We have got these special representatives on there now.

The CHAIRMAN. Your idea, Mr. Green, is that if the service man was in existence when we wrote this bill originally the service man would have been one of the first to be represented.

Mr. GREEN. There is not any question about it. If when this bill had been originally drafted we were taking care of the soldier, he would have headed the list of the special representatives.

The CHAIRMAN. One objection I would have to the proposal would be the increase of the board. What have you to say on that? Mr. GREEN. Well, of course, it costs $5,000 a year more. There is that objection, which I do not regard as very serious. But one of the members would be chairman. I think it was found in some cases that, notwithstanding the board consisted of an even number, they were able to work as well. It seems to me they would in this case.

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The CHAIRMAN. There would be this additional objection. If you put a man on simply as a representative of the Army and Navy, this work is going to be over in a little while, so that his representation would go if he were not needed for the board at large. His work would be done, and it would seem to be a temporary need. Had you thought of that?

Mr. GREEN. Well, that is true to a certain extent; and yet I do not know whether the work of some of these other representatives is not as temporary. But if the committee thought that the bill could be modified and the appointment made for only two or three years, that would be agreeable to me.

The CHAIRMAN. We are very much obliged to you, Mr. Green. Has anyone a question that he wants to ask Mr. Green before he goes? Mr. GREEN. I think that is all the time that I will ask of the committee. I know the members of the committee are very busy, and I am very much obliged to the committee.

Mr. REED. There is only one thing. I think it has been very clearly covered already; but, as I get your point, it is this: You are endeavoring to remove certain friction. We have a lot of these soldier boys, some of whom have a leg off, others an arm, and still others an eye gone, and they are in a highly nervous state, and in a state of mind to be critical anyway. They are discouraged and blue and do not get what they think they ought to have when they go to this board; and, naturally, they say to themselves that the board does not understand the soldier's situation at all, and if they had a representative of the Army on the board who knew what they have been through, who knew their troubles, knew their state of mind, and also knew the technique of the situation, it might have been different. Your idea is to eliminate that cause for complaint by having on the board one of their own fraternity, who would pass upon the facts; is that your idea?

Mr. GREEN. Yes; and you have stated it very well indeed; but I would just add to that that the soldier believes that all the more because other classes have special representatives on the board.

Mr. REED. That is what I have found in talking to a lot of the boys that are out at Walter Reed Hospital. They feel that the matter is not being handled by men who really know their situation.

The CHAIRMAN. So your idea, Mr. Reed, as it is now expressed, would be that the argument would largely go for the benefit of the board to relieve this criticism?

Mr. REED. Yes; that is all I can see in it.

The CHAIRMAN. A good deal of which, I think, is entirely unjust. Mr. REED. So do I.

The CHAIRMAN. And the Congress must see the angle of the board which is trying to save unnecessary outlays of money. We ought not to be attacking the board simply because there are individual criticisms, but, at the same time, those criticisms are hurtful not only to the board but to the soldier and the entire work, and if they could be relieved I think it would be a good thing to do. I do not know that this bill will do it. We will consider the matter, Mr. Green. We will have the notes submitted to you for revision before they are printed.

Mr. DONOVAN. Mr. Green, how would you elect or designate the appointee-without qualification, or would you suit these service

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men? In what way would you designate him for appointment? For instance, would he come by reason of a recommendation of the majority of the posts of the American Legion, or would it be left to the discretion of the appointing power? I was just thinking that it might be possible that a mere administrative officer representing the Army or Navy might be appointed who had never had actual battle or combat experience, but still might combine all the other elements required.

Now, from the viewpoint as we have heard developed in Congress repeatedly by some of the radical members on that subject that are inclined to the opinion that a man who was in combat is a different species from the man that wanted to go into combat but was obliged to remain here, and perhaps, by strategy and strategical planning and brain work, did as much for the country, would there not be the possibility of greater criticism if the appointing power should appoint that type of man as against a man that had actual combat service? I would like to have your opinion as to how you are going to eliminate that so as to leave it within the combat forces.

Mr. GREEN. I have not attempted to eliminate that.

Mr. DONOVAN. That is one of the objections I think you would be up against, and unless you say that as the result of the convention of the American Legion they shall designate three men to the appointing power, and that one of these three men must be appointed, I think you will get into trouble.

Mr. GREEN. I doubt whether it would be well to write into the law a provision of that kind. On the other hand, I have no doubt that the prominent representatives of the American Legion would be consulted in the appointment of this member of the board, if such a provision was made.

The CHAIRMAN. The President makes the appointment.

Mr. GREEN. The President makes the appointment under the bill, and I have no doubt that he would consult the proper parties.

Mr. BANKHEAD. I just want to make one observation in connection with this statement about this criticism. I think to a very large extent a great deal of criticism against the Federal board has been caused by a total misapprehension and misunderstanding upon the part of ex-service men of the law as we passed it. Now, just because a man was wounded does not entitle him to the benefits of this act; because he may be badly disabled does not entitle him to the benefits of this act. The law says he must be so disabled that he can not resume his former occupation or any other gainful occupation in the condition in which he is, and it is the duty of that board to construe this law as we wrote it.

The CHAIRMAN. And if they do not do it, they would be subject to severe criticism?

Mr. BANKHEAD. Of course.

Mr. GREEN. I wanted to say that I was unable to determine from my investigation, and I made considerable investigation and spent a good deal of time on it, as to whether these complaints were well founded or whether they were not.

Mr. DONOVAN. Following along Mr. Reed's suggestion, the only thing about that is that if you make this appointment the man in the field is the man with whom the injured soldier comes in contact. I

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suppose there is not one case in a thousand where the injured man will see this representative on the board. He is really a reviewing officer, and unless it is brought by appeal through different channels to him, he would not personally have any cognizance of it. As I recall the law as described by Mr. Kittner (I think his name was), from Canada, who was commissioner there under the Canadian law, he said that the way they in Canada intended to do, and the way I remember Dr. Prosser saying afterwards that he intended to do, was that they would adopt these ex-service men that were convalescing or were sufficiently intelligent, particularly in trade lines, for instructors in these several branches where they were competent, and in those instances—that is, after the man comes in-they would deal directly with their buddies and pals and companions, but they would The CHAIRMAN. These matters will be thrashed out before the commissioner on this board.

The CHAIRMAN. These matters will be threshed out before the committee. We are much obliged to you, Mr. Green. (Whereupon the committee adjourned.)

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